190
as an informal insurance system, and some farmers see cattle as more valuable than
money itself. One farmer in northern Namibia explained, “I believe that cows help
to bail me out of my problems—that’s why I will continue to keep them” (Farmer
6). Another said, “I believe that livestock is a part of our culture and by owning
them, I am definitely better than someone who doesn’t have them. If I sell my cows,
I feel like I am cheating on my culture” (Farmer 7). The cultural identity of Ovambo
men is closely tied to the ownership of livestock: “A man is his cattle” (Farmer 8);
“My parents told me that as a man you should own livestock. One of the definitions
of a man is having livestock. I fully agree with them” (Farmer 9). These strong cultural attachments make farmers reluctant to sell stock, even when forecasts call for
severe drought.
16.2.3 Traditional Agricultural Knowledge
The lack of uptake of SCF is sometimes due to a tendency to favour traditional
weather knowledge over scientific climate forecasts (Newsham and Thomas 2011;
Mogotsi et al. 2011; Selato 2017; Jiri et al. 2016). In Namibia, farmers plant their
crops according to traditional calendar dates (December 15–February 15) even if
the SCF indicates an earlier or later onset of the rainfall season. A farmer describes
her strategy: “I plough the first set of crops at the end of December … the second set
mid-January … and the third set at the end January/beginning of February. … It
should rain by the time of the second or third ploughing session” (Farmer 4).
Traditional forecasting methods are also still widely used in southern Africa. In
Botswana, for example, farmers observe the flowering of trees, the position of stars
and the persistence of “pregnant” clouds to determine how much rain the season is
likely to bring (Mogotsi et al. 2011; Selato 2017). Similarly, a stakeholder from
Namibia explained that “according to indigenous knowledge, we can predict ‘yes, it
[drought] might worsen’” (Farmer 5). While traditional forecasting methods have
indeed proven valuable, they are also becoming less accurate due to climate change
(Angula et al. 2016), rendering SCF more important than ever.
Uptake of new farming technologies—including new crops or cultivars—can
also be stymied by adherence to traditional norms. In northern Namibia many farmers refuse to adopt new practices even if they recognize that the climate is changing:
“We haven’t changed the crops that we grow. We don’t change them at all even if it
is dry or there is good rainfall” (Farmer 15). As with traditional forecasting methods, farmers are reluctant to change practices that have been passed down through
generations: “We will keep farming the same way because in the Oshiwambo culture we don’t like to change tradition” (Farmer 16). One farmer explained, “I fear
new practices won’t work and my yield will be even worse” (Farmer 17). In northcentral Namibia, farmers have a strong cultural attachment to mahangu. While their
preferred variety of millet is generally hardy and well-adapted to the semi-arid conditions of the region, productivity has declined over the last two decades (CPP
J. Davies et al.
as an informal insurance system, and some farmers see cattle as more valuable than
money itself. One farmer in northern Namibia explained, “I believe that cows help
to bail me out of my problems—that’s why I will continue to keep them” (Farmer
6). Another said, “I believe that livestock is a part of our culture and by owning
them, I am definitely better than someone who doesn’t have them. If I sell my cows,
I feel like I am cheating on my culture” (Farmer 7). The cultural identity of Ovambo
men is closely tied to the ownership of livestock: “A man is his cattle” (Farmer 8);
“My parents told me that as a man you should own livestock. One of the definitions
of a man is having livestock. I fully agree with them” (Farmer 9). These strong cultural attachments make farmers reluctant to sell stock, even when forecasts call for
severe drought.
16.2.3 Traditional Agricultural Knowledge
The lack of uptake of SCF is sometimes due to a tendency to favour traditional
weather knowledge over scientific climate forecasts (Newsham and Thomas 2011;
Mogotsi et al. 2011; Selato 2017; Jiri et al. 2016). In Namibia, farmers plant their
crops according to traditional calendar dates (December 15–February 15) even if
the SCF indicates an earlier or later onset of the rainfall season. A farmer describes
her strategy: “I plough the first set of crops at the end of December … the second set
mid-January … and the third set at the end January/beginning of February. … It
should rain by the time of the second or third ploughing session” (Farmer 4).
Traditional forecasting methods are also still widely used in southern Africa. In
Botswana, for example, farmers observe the flowering of trees, the position of stars
and the persistence of “pregnant” clouds to determine how much rain the season is
likely to bring (Mogotsi et al. 2011; Selato 2017). Similarly, a stakeholder from
Namibia explained that “according to indigenous knowledge, we can predict ‘yes, it
[drought] might worsen’” (Farmer 5). While traditional forecasting methods have
indeed proven valuable, they are also becoming less accurate due to climate change
(Angula et al. 2016), rendering SCF more important than ever.
Uptake of new farming technologies—including new crops or cultivars—can
also be stymied by adherence to traditional norms. In northern Namibia many farmers refuse to adopt new practices even if they recognize that the climate is changing:
“We haven’t changed the crops that we grow. We don’t change them at all even if it
is dry or there is good rainfall” (Farmer 15). As with traditional forecasting methods, farmers are reluctant to change practices that have been passed down through
generations: “We will keep farming the same way because in the Oshiwambo culture we don’t like to change tradition” (Farmer 16). One farmer explained, “I fear
new practices won’t work and my yield will be even worse” (Farmer 17). In northcentral Namibia, farmers have a strong cultural attachment to mahangu. While their
preferred variety of millet is generally hardy and well-adapted to the semi-arid conditions of the region, productivity has declined over the last two decades (CPP
J. Davies et al.
