191
2012). The Namibian government has introduced more resilient seed varieties, but
many farmers have rejected them because of their slightly different appearance and
taste. One explained, “We will keep farming like this forever. It is tradition so it has
to continue for generations. Change to what? Mahangu is our main meal, so there is
no way we can change it” (Farmer 18). Some farmers are open to trying new crop
varieties, but as a supplement rather than a replacement for traditional versions.
Asked about adopting new crops, one respondent answered, “maybe, but we must
still grow mahangu because it is part of our culture” (Farmer 16).
It is important to note that the embrace of tradition has a generational component. Farmer 3 explained, “I am not willing to use new practices because I am old
and maybe I won’t carry them out correctly,” and farmer 2 said, “I am very old now
but if I was young and energetic I would try new farming practices.” Whereas older
farmers are unlikely to market their livestock even in the face of drought, younger
farmers often are more flexible. One man explained, “I’m an elder and I can’t stay
without livestock since it is a part of my culture” (Farmer 12). But a younger farmer
claimed that “the culture is there, but it will not stop me from selling my livestock”
(Farmer 11).
16.3 Working with Religious and Traditional Belief Systems
to Enable Adaptation
Although religious and traditional beliefs sometimes prevent farmers from making
more adaptive decisions, we argue that these cultural factors should not be viewed
simply as barriers. These belief systems—precisely because they play such an
important role in agricultural decision-making—should be viewed as an opportunity through which to catalyse the dissemination of CSA. We identify three possible
avenues through which to do this.
16.3.1 Positioning Religious and Traditional Leaders
as ‘Champions’
The climate change literature increasingly acknowledges the role of “champions” or
“lead farmers” in encouraging adaptation (Conservation Agriculture Task Force for
Zimababwe 2008; Davies and Ziervogel 2017; Roberts 2008). However, there have
been fewer attempts to recruit religious or traditional elites to play this role, despite
the fact that many farmers tend to have greater confidence in information that comes
from such figures. In Botswana, for example, the tradition of Letsema means that
farmers must wait for permission from the village chief before they begin planting
or harvesting. Even if a seasonal forecast indicates an earlier onset of rainfall, farmers will wait for word from the chief (Selato 2017). In this context, it would be
16 Considering Religion and Tradition in Climate Smart Agriculture: Insights…
2012). The Namibian government has introduced more resilient seed varieties, but
many farmers have rejected them because of their slightly different appearance and
taste. One explained, “We will keep farming like this forever. It is tradition so it has
to continue for generations. Change to what? Mahangu is our main meal, so there is
no way we can change it” (Farmer 18). Some farmers are open to trying new crop
varieties, but as a supplement rather than a replacement for traditional versions.
Asked about adopting new crops, one respondent answered, “maybe, but we must
still grow mahangu because it is part of our culture” (Farmer 16).
It is important to note that the embrace of tradition has a generational component. Farmer 3 explained, “I am not willing to use new practices because I am old
and maybe I won’t carry them out correctly,” and farmer 2 said, “I am very old now
but if I was young and energetic I would try new farming practices.” Whereas older
farmers are unlikely to market their livestock even in the face of drought, younger
farmers often are more flexible. One man explained, “I’m an elder and I can’t stay
without livestock since it is a part of my culture” (Farmer 12). But a younger farmer
claimed that “the culture is there, but it will not stop me from selling my livestock”
(Farmer 11).
16.3 Working with Religious and Traditional Belief Systems
to Enable Adaptation
Although religious and traditional beliefs sometimes prevent farmers from making
more adaptive decisions, we argue that these cultural factors should not be viewed
simply as barriers. These belief systems—precisely because they play such an
important role in agricultural decision-making—should be viewed as an opportunity through which to catalyse the dissemination of CSA. We identify three possible
avenues through which to do this.
16.3.1 Positioning Religious and Traditional Leaders
as ‘Champions’
The climate change literature increasingly acknowledges the role of “champions” or
“lead farmers” in encouraging adaptation (Conservation Agriculture Task Force for
Zimababwe 2008; Davies and Ziervogel 2017; Roberts 2008). However, there have
been fewer attempts to recruit religious or traditional elites to play this role, despite
the fact that many farmers tend to have greater confidence in information that comes
from such figures. In Botswana, for example, the tradition of Letsema means that
farmers must wait for permission from the village chief before they begin planting
or harvesting. Even if a seasonal forecast indicates an earlier onset of rainfall, farmers will wait for word from the chief (Selato 2017). In this context, it would be
16 Considering Religion and Tradition in Climate Smart Agriculture: Insights…