15 CONCLUSIONS
395
built in the short term. Also, few leading Norwegian politicians advocate
any major changes to Norwegian petroleum policies.
That leaves Finland and Denmark. The Finnish chapter talks about the
changes that will take place to the Finnish energy and grid system as the
consequence of renewable installations, and those are changes that are
indicative of structural change and of what happens to a country where
renewable energy replaces rather than just supplements. In Denmark,
there are worries about the security of supply when Denmark can no
longer guarantee that it can satisfy peak demand, another sign of structural change and the phasing out of thermal power sources and the
phasing in of intermittent sources.
In many of these countries, renewable energy serves many purposes. As
mentioned, for some, renewables are primarily about improving energy
security. For both Japan and China, it has also been industrial policy.
China has been very clear that renewable energy presents major business
opportunities and controls more than 60% of the world market for solar
PV. The business case was also the reason why METI in Japan provided
long-term support for solar PV. Likewise, Denmark hosts Vestas—the
biggest wind power company in the world—and wind power is one of
Denmark’s largest export industries. When at the start of the millennium the Danish government decided to cut support for Danish wind,
the wind power industry, helped by trade unions, scientists, politicians,
and many more, fought back. It is an important reason why the wind
power lull in Denmark was only a lull. Hence, renewable energy policy
constitutes industrial policy in Denmark as well. In Norway, it has never
been industrial policy as in the Norwegian government trying to make
inroads into wind power manufacturing (granted, for a while Norway
had solar PV production, but once China entered the market Norwegian
producers could not compete). The power industry, however, benefits from electricity exports, whereas the energy-intensive industries lose.
Thus, renewable energy policy is being fought over on the grounds that
it might hurt industry.
Is it also climate policy? All Nordic countries have declared that
they will become carbon neutral within a few decades, and for both
Denmark and Finland, renewable energy is an important part of the path
towards carbon neutrality. China has no ambitions of being carbon neutral
before 2060, but here as well, renewable energy is an important way
to reduce the climate footprint, whereas for Japan the absence of most
nuclear generation has made it practically impossible to fulfill prior climate
395
built in the short term. Also, few leading Norwegian politicians advocate
any major changes to Norwegian petroleum policies.
That leaves Finland and Denmark. The Finnish chapter talks about the
changes that will take place to the Finnish energy and grid system as the
consequence of renewable installations, and those are changes that are
indicative of structural change and of what happens to a country where
renewable energy replaces rather than just supplements. In Denmark,
there are worries about the security of supply when Denmark can no
longer guarantee that it can satisfy peak demand, another sign of structural change and the phasing out of thermal power sources and the
phasing in of intermittent sources.
In many of these countries, renewable energy serves many purposes. As
mentioned, for some, renewables are primarily about improving energy
security. For both Japan and China, it has also been industrial policy.
China has been very clear that renewable energy presents major business
opportunities and controls more than 60% of the world market for solar
PV. The business case was also the reason why METI in Japan provided
long-term support for solar PV. Likewise, Denmark hosts Vestas—the
biggest wind power company in the world—and wind power is one of
Denmark’s largest export industries. When at the start of the millennium the Danish government decided to cut support for Danish wind,
the wind power industry, helped by trade unions, scientists, politicians,
and many more, fought back. It is an important reason why the wind
power lull in Denmark was only a lull. Hence, renewable energy policy
constitutes industrial policy in Denmark as well. In Norway, it has never
been industrial policy as in the Norwegian government trying to make
inroads into wind power manufacturing (granted, for a while Norway
had solar PV production, but once China entered the market Norwegian
producers could not compete). The power industry, however, benefits from electricity exports, whereas the energy-intensive industries lose.
Thus, renewable energy policy is being fought over on the grounds that
it might hurt industry.
Is it also climate policy? All Nordic countries have declared that
they will become carbon neutral within a few decades, and for both
Denmark and Finland, renewable energy is an important part of the path
towards carbon neutrality. China has no ambitions of being carbon neutral
before 2060, but here as well, renewable energy is an important way
to reduce the climate footprint, whereas for Japan the absence of most
nuclear generation has made it practically impossible to fulfill prior climate