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M. T. Sall et al.
There are rivalries and conflicts over the use of land and water resources. The oldest
and most recurrent one is the conflict between sedentary agriculture and nomadic
herders. Everyone seeks, naturally, to have or maintain easy access to fresh water.
Livestock, abundant in the area, needs to find drinking places easily, associated with
clear routes to move around. The difficulty of water access for livestock is further
complicated by the current rise of invasive species, such a Typha, in watering points
(Mboup 2014).
In the Delta, land ownership remains a central development constraint (Diop
2017). A conflict in 2012 pitted local populations against the agrobusiness project
SenHuile following the allocation of 20,000 ha of land to the latter in the village of
Ndiaël. In Keur Momar Sarr, conflicts are also recurrent among small-scale farmers
practicing traditional rainfed agriculture. However, according to Diop (2017), “these
conflicts tend to evolve into a certain complementarity and solidarity, offering the
prospect of important progress towards the development of a high-performance
system.” For example, agro-industries such as CSS, Société des conserves alimentaires du Sénégal (SOCAS) and West Africa Farm provides free water for irrigation
to local small farmers. These companies also employ local people in casual or yearround paid labor and contribute to their well-being by the construction of corporate
health centers.
The efforts of local actors are real, but there are still threats to the Delta’s
agricultural development. Several examples are:
(1) The extension and intensification of irrigated agriculture that leads to a rise in
the water table (Kane 1997);
(2) Environmental pollution caused by the uncontrolled use of chemicals between
Dagana and Saint-Louis (Diop 2017);
(3) Station X6 drainage water discharge containing chemicals on the axis of Lake
Guiers, low Ferlo and Niety Yone village; and
(4) The practice of gravity irrigation on highly permeable sandy soils, leading to
significant drainage losses.
The discharge of drainage water into the lake reduces its physicochemical water
quality (Cissé 2011). For OLAC (Office des Lacs et Cours d’eau), the entity responsible for the management of the Lake, CSS and other agro-industrial companies
are identified and considered to be polluting users. But this in isolation may be
misleading: the main problem is the thousands of poorly-identified producers. It
is, therefore, difficult to determine the origin and exact quantity of fertilizers and
pesticides used around Lake Guiers. This situation gradually reduces the quality
and quantity of water resources in the lake and Delta. Agro-industry, like small
producers, is a large water consumer and contributes to water pollution; there is a
complex tradeoff between this consumption and its contribution to food security and
economic development.
M. T. Sall et al.
There are rivalries and conflicts over the use of land and water resources. The oldest
and most recurrent one is the conflict between sedentary agriculture and nomadic
herders. Everyone seeks, naturally, to have or maintain easy access to fresh water.
Livestock, abundant in the area, needs to find drinking places easily, associated with
clear routes to move around. The difficulty of water access for livestock is further
complicated by the current rise of invasive species, such a Typha, in watering points
(Mboup 2014).
In the Delta, land ownership remains a central development constraint (Diop
2017). A conflict in 2012 pitted local populations against the agrobusiness project
SenHuile following the allocation of 20,000 ha of land to the latter in the village of
Ndiaël. In Keur Momar Sarr, conflicts are also recurrent among small-scale farmers
practicing traditional rainfed agriculture. However, according to Diop (2017), “these
conflicts tend to evolve into a certain complementarity and solidarity, offering the
prospect of important progress towards the development of a high-performance
system.” For example, agro-industries such as CSS, Société des conserves alimentaires du Sénégal (SOCAS) and West Africa Farm provides free water for irrigation
to local small farmers. These companies also employ local people in casual or yearround paid labor and contribute to their well-being by the construction of corporate
health centers.
The efforts of local actors are real, but there are still threats to the Delta’s
agricultural development. Several examples are:
(1) The extension and intensification of irrigated agriculture that leads to a rise in
the water table (Kane 1997);
(2) Environmental pollution caused by the uncontrolled use of chemicals between
Dagana and Saint-Louis (Diop 2017);
(3) Station X6 drainage water discharge containing chemicals on the axis of Lake
Guiers, low Ferlo and Niety Yone village; and
(4) The practice of gravity irrigation on highly permeable sandy soils, leading to
significant drainage losses.
The discharge of drainage water into the lake reduces its physicochemical water
quality (Cissé 2011). For OLAC (Office des Lacs et Cours d’eau), the entity responsible for the management of the Lake, CSS and other agro-industrial companies
are identified and considered to be polluting users. But this in isolation may be
misleading: the main problem is the thousands of poorly-identified producers. It
is, therefore, difficult to determine the origin and exact quantity of fertilizers and
pesticides used around Lake Guiers. This situation gradually reduces the quality
and quantity of water resources in the lake and Delta. Agro-industry, like small
producers, is a large water consumer and contributes to water pollution; there is a
complex tradeoff between this consumption and its contribution to food security and
economic development.