201
8
Conclusion
The causes of the conflicts in Mali and in the Sahel in general are primarily historical and political relating to state policies leading to marginalization of pastoralists.
Climate change and resource scarcity only play a minor role in explaining these conflicts.
This is one of several examples from the field of ‘environment and development’
where empirical research challenges dominating narratives without this appearing to
have any influence on policies. Roe (1994) claims that policy narratives often resist
change, and even in the face of data that contradict the narrative being presented,
because these narratives support the assumptions of decision-makers in a world
marked by uncertainty, complexity and polarization. Narratives provide a simple
frame of reference that it is easy to relate to. It is much harder to relate to uncertainty
and complexity. The narrative about climate-desertification-conflict in the Sahel is
also a moral narrative that helps establish a clear link between the West’s responsibility for the greenhouse effect on the one hand and poverty and war in Africa on
the other. Although, on an individual level, it is easy to sympathise with this kind of
agenda, political ecologists should also critically investigate these types of ‘moral’
narratives to check whether they are empirically tenable.
In addition, while this narrative implies no personal costs to its proponents (or
their constituencies), it provides an image of being environmentally concerned ‘free
of charge’ so to speak.
Some narratives are also especially attractive to people in power, politicians
and bureaucrats, simply because the basic elements of the narrative or its assumptions support the careers of powerful institutions or individuals (Leach and Mearns
1996). These narratives then gain momentum and present irrefutable facts, regardless of what empirical research tells us. Since they are so closely intertwined with the
interests of powerful institutions and individuals, the narratives are also very hard to
change. In this way, the narrative about climate-desertification-conflict in the Sahel
is also one of many examples showing that better research does not necessarily yield
better policies.
? Questions
1. How do you see the role of resource scarcity as a cause of violent conflicts?
2. How is climate change impacting on the Sahel?
3. Why do pastoralists join jihadist groups in Mali?
4. Why are policy narratives difficult to change?
8.2 · Pastoralism, Marginalization and Conflicts in Mali
8
Conclusion
The causes of the conflicts in Mali and in the Sahel in general are primarily historical and political relating to state policies leading to marginalization of pastoralists.
Climate change and resource scarcity only play a minor role in explaining these conflicts.
This is one of several examples from the field of ‘environment and development’
where empirical research challenges dominating narratives without this appearing to
have any influence on policies. Roe (1994) claims that policy narratives often resist
change, and even in the face of data that contradict the narrative being presented,
because these narratives support the assumptions of decision-makers in a world
marked by uncertainty, complexity and polarization. Narratives provide a simple
frame of reference that it is easy to relate to. It is much harder to relate to uncertainty
and complexity. The narrative about climate-desertification-conflict in the Sahel is
also a moral narrative that helps establish a clear link between the West’s responsibility for the greenhouse effect on the one hand and poverty and war in Africa on
the other. Although, on an individual level, it is easy to sympathise with this kind of
agenda, political ecologists should also critically investigate these types of ‘moral’
narratives to check whether they are empirically tenable.
In addition, while this narrative implies no personal costs to its proponents (or
their constituencies), it provides an image of being environmentally concerned ‘free
of charge’ so to speak.
Some narratives are also especially attractive to people in power, politicians
and bureaucrats, simply because the basic elements of the narrative or its assumptions support the careers of powerful institutions or individuals (Leach and Mearns
1996). These narratives then gain momentum and present irrefutable facts, regardless of what empirical research tells us. Since they are so closely intertwined with the
interests of powerful institutions and individuals, the narratives are also very hard to
change. In this way, the narrative about climate-desertification-conflict in the Sahel
is also one of many examples showing that better research does not necessarily yield
better policies.
? Questions
1. How do you see the role of resource scarcity as a cause of violent conflicts?
2. How is climate change impacting on the Sahel?
3. Why do pastoralists join jihadist groups in Mali?
4. Why are policy narratives difficult to change?
8.2 · Pastoralism, Marginalization and Conflicts in Mali