198
8
In the escarpment and on the plateau above, soils are poor and good farmland is
scarce, but with the establishment of French colonial rule in this area from 1905, the
Dogon felt safe enough to start the move down again to the plains below to farm
(Gallais 1975; Petit 1998). Increasingly, they established cultivation hamlets and
opened up new fields (Nijenhuis 2009).
The Seeno had up to Dogon colonization been used seasonally by Fulani pastoralists who see themselves as the owners of pastures under the authority of the Boni
Fulani chiefdom that stretches south from Boni town to also include the sandy
plains of the Seeno (Van Dijk and De Bruijn 1995). While Dogon since the early
twentieth century have transformed vast stretches of pastures to farmland, the new
settlements were, however, for decades not seen as problematic by the Fulani as land
was thought to be abundant.
This swift colonization has been said to be a result of Dogon ‘land hunger’ linked
to their initial land scarce situation at the escarpment in addition to population
growth (Gallais 1975; Petit 1997). The Dogon population increased from about
100,000 in the early twentieth century to at least 300,000 in the early 1970s and about
450,000 around year 2000 (Van Beek 2005). Moreover, the replacement of the hoe by
the plough in the 1990s facilitated this expansion, which led to a doubling or even
tripling of field sizes (Nijenhuis 2009).
However, with time, Fulani increasingly opposed the expansion of farmland,
especially when traditional livestock corridors (burtol), which had been established
in the nineteenth century, were blocked by new cultivation (De Bruijn and Van Dijk
2005). But since farming has usually been supported by the administration of both
the colonial and Malian state at the expense of pastoralism, Fulani pastoralists have
seldom been able to prevent pastures from being taken over by cultivation.
After Mali’s independence in 1960, the number of Dogon from the escarpment
descending to the plains further increased. Moreover, the independent socialist government of Mali followed both an anti-feudal and anti-pastoral policy. This policy
encouraged farmers to cultivate new areas without asking traditional authorities for
permission.
Land conflicts started to emerge in the 1970s and 1980s. The first violent conflict
took place in the pastoral area of Tolodié. In 1975, a large livestock development
programme with the World Bank as the main funder, had started to dig a total of 11
wells in the Seeno, including one in Tolodié. The aim of the programme was pastoral
development through improved access to water. But by making water permanently
available in larger parts of the plains, this water development programme led to a
further influx of people to the area. The water rights remained, however, unclear.
While Tolodié had been a pastoral area, the new well also attracted Dogon from
the escarpment and plateau who settled to establish hamlets and over a few years
transformed the area into an agricultural zone. This led Fulani pastoralists to
demand the state administration to accept the creation of a harima (a pasture reserve
for milk cows that do not follow the annual migration). This was agreed, but not
respected by farmers who continued to encroach on these pastures. Over time, a
conflict emerged that a local pastoral leader took to court—a case he won in 2002.
Chapter 8 · Climate Change, Scarcity and Conflicts in the Sahel
8
In the escarpment and on the plateau above, soils are poor and good farmland is
scarce, but with the establishment of French colonial rule in this area from 1905, the
Dogon felt safe enough to start the move down again to the plains below to farm
(Gallais 1975; Petit 1998). Increasingly, they established cultivation hamlets and
opened up new fields (Nijenhuis 2009).
The Seeno had up to Dogon colonization been used seasonally by Fulani pastoralists who see themselves as the owners of pastures under the authority of the Boni
Fulani chiefdom that stretches south from Boni town to also include the sandy
plains of the Seeno (Van Dijk and De Bruijn 1995). While Dogon since the early
twentieth century have transformed vast stretches of pastures to farmland, the new
settlements were, however, for decades not seen as problematic by the Fulani as land
was thought to be abundant.
This swift colonization has been said to be a result of Dogon ‘land hunger’ linked
to their initial land scarce situation at the escarpment in addition to population
growth (Gallais 1975; Petit 1997). The Dogon population increased from about
100,000 in the early twentieth century to at least 300,000 in the early 1970s and about
450,000 around year 2000 (Van Beek 2005). Moreover, the replacement of the hoe by
the plough in the 1990s facilitated this expansion, which led to a doubling or even
tripling of field sizes (Nijenhuis 2009).
However, with time, Fulani increasingly opposed the expansion of farmland,
especially when traditional livestock corridors (burtol), which had been established
in the nineteenth century, were blocked by new cultivation (De Bruijn and Van Dijk
2005). But since farming has usually been supported by the administration of both
the colonial and Malian state at the expense of pastoralism, Fulani pastoralists have
seldom been able to prevent pastures from being taken over by cultivation.
After Mali’s independence in 1960, the number of Dogon from the escarpment
descending to the plains further increased. Moreover, the independent socialist government of Mali followed both an anti-feudal and anti-pastoral policy. This policy
encouraged farmers to cultivate new areas without asking traditional authorities for
permission.
Land conflicts started to emerge in the 1970s and 1980s. The first violent conflict
took place in the pastoral area of Tolodié. In 1975, a large livestock development
programme with the World Bank as the main funder, had started to dig a total of 11
wells in the Seeno, including one in Tolodié. The aim of the programme was pastoral
development through improved access to water. But by making water permanently
available in larger parts of the plains, this water development programme led to a
further influx of people to the area. The water rights remained, however, unclear.
While Tolodié had been a pastoral area, the new well also attracted Dogon from
the escarpment and plateau who settled to establish hamlets and over a few years
transformed the area into an agricultural zone. This led Fulani pastoralists to
demand the state administration to accept the creation of a harima (a pasture reserve
for milk cows that do not follow the annual migration). This was agreed, but not
respected by farmers who continued to encroach on these pastures. Over time, a
conflict emerged that a local pastoral leader took to court—a case he won in 2002.
Chapter 8 · Climate Change, Scarcity and Conflicts in the Sahel