Roots, relevance, aims and values
17
Although the origins of many of these sites are impossible to uncover, there is some evidence to suggest that
sacred forest groves in India existed before the advent
of agriculture, and that this was the primary reason
for these patches to be spared even though the surrounding land was cleared (Hughes & Chandran,
1998 ).
As outlined above, sacred groves and other natural
sites protected for spiritual and historical reasons probably have origins in pre - agricultural societies and animistic belief systems. Many sacred sites around the
world are currently threatened as mainstream religions and secular values replace traditional beliefs.
This process is by no means a recent phenomenon. In
ancient Europe (4th – 5th century AD), the sacred
groves of the druids were destroyed with the arrival of
Christianity (Matthews & Matthews, 2002 ). More
recently, in India, local folk deities have been (and continue to be) replaced with Hindu deities – a process
referred to as ‘ Sanskritization ’ (Kalam, 1996 ). The last
fi fty years have seen a new threat to the ancient belief
systems that support sacred sites as local customs are
being increasingly challenged by globalized western
consumerist culture. The globalization of culture,
although not a direct threat, is partly responsible for
eroding the cultural importance of sacred sites for
younger generations of local people (Bhagwat & Rutte,
2006 ).
2.2.2 Resource and g ame r eserves
Managing natural resources in a planned and rational
manner has a long history. For instance, Schama
(1995) describes how the strategic and political importance of timber for ship - building for the navy and for
domestic use and iron smelting created powerful conservation voices within the courts of Tudor England
(1550 – 1650), which prompted the creation of systems
of forest reserves, regulations, penalties and guards.
Protecting sites in order to maintain the quality of the
hunting also has an ancient history. In medieval
Europe, many kings and aristocrats maintained private
hunting reserves with strict control of poaching.
Grove (1996) traces the roots of western environmentalism to scientifi c societies formed in the 18th
century by individuals employed by European companies to investigate the economic potential of unfamiliar
fl ora, fauna and geologies in new territories. Through
observing and debating the environmental changes
littered with well - documented examples of environmental destruction and unsustainable exploitation
(Penn, 2003 ; Diamond, 2004 ). Indeed, the (relatively)
lower ecological impact of people in many traditional
societies has been argued to be primarily a function
of their low population density and the limited availability of technology that would allow greater levels of
exploitation (Ruttan & Borgerhoff - Mulder, 1999 ; Penn,
2003 ). Interestingly, there is also no obvious association between a society holding strong beliefs about the
sacredness of nature and lower levels of environmental destruction (Low, 1996 ).
Even so, the practice of restricting how resources are
exploited or accessed on religious or spiritual grounds
is widespread across human societies, and there are
many cultures that refrain from exploiting particular
areas or species (Colding & Folke, 2001 ). These beliefs
are being increasingly considered as potential instruments for conservation practice, either on their own or
nested in more formal arrangements (Barrett et al .,
2001 ).
The motivations for prohibitions or taboos (a word
derived from Polynesian languages and culture to
mean something that is forbidden) are as varied as the
belief systems themselves. For example, in Northern
Madagascar there is a complex system of taboos
(known locally as ‘ fady ’ ) to which many Malagasy
people adhere and which suffuses every element of
their life (Ruud, 1960 ). Fady covers both habitats and
particular resources and plays an important role in
regulating a number of natural resource uses, including the exploitation (and protection) of a particular
species or habitat (Mannle & Ladle, in press). In southern Madagascar, Lingard et al . (2003) reported that
local people considered radiated tortoises as fady, a cultural association which may have saved them from
extinction.
Perhaps the most important type of taboo for conservation, and the basis of many informal, culturally
prescribed protected areas, are habitat taboos. These
form the basis of protection (from local communities)
for a large number of natural sites around the globe
dedicated to ancestors or deities. Bhagwat & Rutte
(2006) refer to these informal protected areas as
‘ natural sacred sites ’ and argue that they are an important and often overlooked addition to the global
network of protected areas. Indeed, natural sacred
sites may be especially important because they are typically found in remote areas that are high in biodiversity
but which have low levels of formal protection.
17
Although the origins of many of these sites are impossible to uncover, there is some evidence to suggest that
sacred forest groves in India existed before the advent
of agriculture, and that this was the primary reason
for these patches to be spared even though the surrounding land was cleared (Hughes & Chandran,
1998 ).
As outlined above, sacred groves and other natural
sites protected for spiritual and historical reasons probably have origins in pre - agricultural societies and animistic belief systems. Many sacred sites around the
world are currently threatened as mainstream religions and secular values replace traditional beliefs.
This process is by no means a recent phenomenon. In
ancient Europe (4th – 5th century AD), the sacred
groves of the druids were destroyed with the arrival of
Christianity (Matthews & Matthews, 2002 ). More
recently, in India, local folk deities have been (and continue to be) replaced with Hindu deities – a process
referred to as ‘ Sanskritization ’ (Kalam, 1996 ). The last
fi fty years have seen a new threat to the ancient belief
systems that support sacred sites as local customs are
being increasingly challenged by globalized western
consumerist culture. The globalization of culture,
although not a direct threat, is partly responsible for
eroding the cultural importance of sacred sites for
younger generations of local people (Bhagwat & Rutte,
2006 ).
2.2.2 Resource and g ame r eserves
Managing natural resources in a planned and rational
manner has a long history. For instance, Schama
(1995) describes how the strategic and political importance of timber for ship - building for the navy and for
domestic use and iron smelting created powerful conservation voices within the courts of Tudor England
(1550 – 1650), which prompted the creation of systems
of forest reserves, regulations, penalties and guards.
Protecting sites in order to maintain the quality of the
hunting also has an ancient history. In medieval
Europe, many kings and aristocrats maintained private
hunting reserves with strict control of poaching.
Grove (1996) traces the roots of western environmentalism to scientifi c societies formed in the 18th
century by individuals employed by European companies to investigate the economic potential of unfamiliar
fl ora, fauna and geologies in new territories. Through
observing and debating the environmental changes
littered with well - documented examples of environmental destruction and unsustainable exploitation
(Penn, 2003 ; Diamond, 2004 ). Indeed, the (relatively)
lower ecological impact of people in many traditional
societies has been argued to be primarily a function
of their low population density and the limited availability of technology that would allow greater levels of
exploitation (Ruttan & Borgerhoff - Mulder, 1999 ; Penn,
2003 ). Interestingly, there is also no obvious association between a society holding strong beliefs about the
sacredness of nature and lower levels of environmental destruction (Low, 1996 ).
Even so, the practice of restricting how resources are
exploited or accessed on religious or spiritual grounds
is widespread across human societies, and there are
many cultures that refrain from exploiting particular
areas or species (Colding & Folke, 2001 ). These beliefs
are being increasingly considered as potential instruments for conservation practice, either on their own or
nested in more formal arrangements (Barrett et al .,
2001 ).
The motivations for prohibitions or taboos (a word
derived from Polynesian languages and culture to
mean something that is forbidden) are as varied as the
belief systems themselves. For example, in Northern
Madagascar there is a complex system of taboos
(known locally as ‘ fady ’ ) to which many Malagasy
people adhere and which suffuses every element of
their life (Ruud, 1960 ). Fady covers both habitats and
particular resources and plays an important role in
regulating a number of natural resource uses, including the exploitation (and protection) of a particular
species or habitat (Mannle & Ladle, in press). In southern Madagascar, Lingard et al . (2003) reported that
local people considered radiated tortoises as fady, a cultural association which may have saved them from
extinction.
Perhaps the most important type of taboo for conservation, and the basis of many informal, culturally
prescribed protected areas, are habitat taboos. These
form the basis of protection (from local communities)
for a large number of natural sites around the globe
dedicated to ancestors or deities. Bhagwat & Rutte
(2006) refer to these informal protected areas as
‘ natural sacred sites ’ and argue that they are an important and often overlooked addition to the global
network of protected areas. Indeed, natural sacred
sites may be especially important because they are typically found in remote areas that are high in biodiversity
but which have low levels of formal protection.