14
Social values and conservation biogeography
an eclectic variety of religious perspectives. In contrast, instrumental arguments are those concerned
with ensuring human survival, well - being and the
potential to develop materially (Ehrlich & Ehrlich,
1992 ). One of the latest and most powerful expressions
of instrumental values has been the rapid rise to prominence of the concept of ecosystem services – natural
processes and products such as pollination and watershed protection – which play an important role in the
economy. The monetary value of such services can be
crudely calculated (e.g. Costanza et al ., 1997 ), thereby
facilitating the entry of conservation into the realms
of economic policy and political debate.
The physical expression of conservation values,
whether instrumental or intrinsic, has frequently been
through the gazetting of land primarily or in part for
conservation – commonly referred to as ‘ protected
areas ’ . The number and area of protected areas
increased dramatically from the 1970s onwards, but in
the terrestrial realm this growth has now levelled off
(see Figure 2.1 ). In 1962 there were about 1,000 terrestrial protected areas worldwide. In 2004 the count
was around 104,000, covering an area of just over 20
million km
2
, mostly of terrestrial habitats and amounting to 12.2 per cent of the Earth ’ s land surface (Chape
et al ., 2003 , 2005 ). Growth in marine protected areas
(MPAs) is a relatively recent phenomenon and the
global MPA estate of around 2.59 million km
2 (0.7 per
cent of the ocean surface) remains comparatively small
(Figure 2.1 ). It is important to note that the term ‘ protected area ’ is something of a catch - all category that
may be applied to areas that have been allocated by
states or held by private interests with the primary function of conserving attributes of nature that are valued.
Existing protected areas have been designated on the
basis of both instrumental and intrinsic values and
often through a combination of both. Indeed, it is probably better to view the terms ‘ intrinsic ’ and ‘ instrumental ’ as umbrella concepts that incorporate a wide
variety of closely related values, often with strong cultural and historical roots. It should also be noted that
while social values play an important role in promoting, shaping and defi ning the characteristics of protected areas, there are many other legal, socio - political
and scientifi c factors that play a role (Ladle & Malhado,
2007 ; Figure 2.2 ).
Given the complexity of the drivers of protected area
formation, it is perhaps unsurprising that they are diffi cult to divide up neatly into clear thematic categories.
Indeed, there is a vast array of names and terms which
are applied to specifi c sites, e.g. ‘ national park ’ , ‘ wildlife
stakeholders to enforce change arguably determine the
chances of success of any given science - based conservation intervention far more than the quality of the
science involved (Ladle & Jepson, 2008 ). Therefore,
examining the social values that underlie different
types of conservation interventions and the organizations that endorse/promote them is vital for understanding the modern landscape of conservation and
for effective conservation practice.
In the context of conservation biogeography, social
values have been of fundamental importance in
shaping the geographic foci of action (e.g. western
attitudes towards African savannas or tropical rain
forests) and determining the abundance, distribution
and relative success of different forms of protected
areas. In a more general sense, conservation will only
succeed if people, willingly and voluntarily, give the
natural world the space and resources it needs to thrive.
Social values are what promote the self - regulation and
individual restraint required for this endeavour. Such
values also legitimize the conservation laws, policies
and actions and engender the willing support (or at
least compliance) of citizens (Cotgrove & Duff, 1991 ).
This chapter will examine how conservation values
have been expressed in the creation of different types
of protected areas and in the development of overarching international conservation treaties and conventions. We will then explore how protected areas have
been formalized into an international categorization
system. We will also briefl y consider the values
inherent in certain common forms of conservation
management. Finally, we will discuss the dynamic and
ever - changing nature of the conservation values
‘ landscape ’ and consider the ways in which conservation is adjusting to a global polity that is increasingly
focused on other agendas such as climate change and
poverty alleviation.
2.2 THE ORIGINS AND VALUES OF
DIFFERENT PROTECTED AREA TYPES
Conservation values have often been split into
‘ intrinsic ’ and ‘ instrumental ’ , refl ecting a perceived
dichotomy between the desire to protect nature for its
own sake and protecting nature because of its value
to humanity. ‘ Intrinsic ’ value arguments typically
concern the aesthetic and intellectual appreciation of
nature and human compassion or reverence towards
other life forms and have roots in deep - seated psychological tendencies (biophilia), cultural world views and
Social values and conservation biogeography
an eclectic variety of religious perspectives. In contrast, instrumental arguments are those concerned
with ensuring human survival, well - being and the
potential to develop materially (Ehrlich & Ehrlich,
1992 ). One of the latest and most powerful expressions
of instrumental values has been the rapid rise to prominence of the concept of ecosystem services – natural
processes and products such as pollination and watershed protection – which play an important role in the
economy. The monetary value of such services can be
crudely calculated (e.g. Costanza et al ., 1997 ), thereby
facilitating the entry of conservation into the realms
of economic policy and political debate.
The physical expression of conservation values,
whether instrumental or intrinsic, has frequently been
through the gazetting of land primarily or in part for
conservation – commonly referred to as ‘ protected
areas ’ . The number and area of protected areas
increased dramatically from the 1970s onwards, but in
the terrestrial realm this growth has now levelled off
(see Figure 2.1 ). In 1962 there were about 1,000 terrestrial protected areas worldwide. In 2004 the count
was around 104,000, covering an area of just over 20
million km
2
, mostly of terrestrial habitats and amounting to 12.2 per cent of the Earth ’ s land surface (Chape
et al ., 2003 , 2005 ). Growth in marine protected areas
(MPAs) is a relatively recent phenomenon and the
global MPA estate of around 2.59 million km
2 (0.7 per
cent of the ocean surface) remains comparatively small
(Figure 2.1 ). It is important to note that the term ‘ protected area ’ is something of a catch - all category that
may be applied to areas that have been allocated by
states or held by private interests with the primary function of conserving attributes of nature that are valued.
Existing protected areas have been designated on the
basis of both instrumental and intrinsic values and
often through a combination of both. Indeed, it is probably better to view the terms ‘ intrinsic ’ and ‘ instrumental ’ as umbrella concepts that incorporate a wide
variety of closely related values, often with strong cultural and historical roots. It should also be noted that
while social values play an important role in promoting, shaping and defi ning the characteristics of protected areas, there are many other legal, socio - political
and scientifi c factors that play a role (Ladle & Malhado,
2007 ; Figure 2.2 ).
Given the complexity of the drivers of protected area
formation, it is perhaps unsurprising that they are diffi cult to divide up neatly into clear thematic categories.
Indeed, there is a vast array of names and terms which
are applied to specifi c sites, e.g. ‘ national park ’ , ‘ wildlife
stakeholders to enforce change arguably determine the
chances of success of any given science - based conservation intervention far more than the quality of the
science involved (Ladle & Jepson, 2008 ). Therefore,
examining the social values that underlie different
types of conservation interventions and the organizations that endorse/promote them is vital for understanding the modern landscape of conservation and
for effective conservation practice.
In the context of conservation biogeography, social
values have been of fundamental importance in
shaping the geographic foci of action (e.g. western
attitudes towards African savannas or tropical rain
forests) and determining the abundance, distribution
and relative success of different forms of protected
areas. In a more general sense, conservation will only
succeed if people, willingly and voluntarily, give the
natural world the space and resources it needs to thrive.
Social values are what promote the self - regulation and
individual restraint required for this endeavour. Such
values also legitimize the conservation laws, policies
and actions and engender the willing support (or at
least compliance) of citizens (Cotgrove & Duff, 1991 ).
This chapter will examine how conservation values
have been expressed in the creation of different types
of protected areas and in the development of overarching international conservation treaties and conventions. We will then explore how protected areas have
been formalized into an international categorization
system. We will also briefl y consider the values
inherent in certain common forms of conservation
management. Finally, we will discuss the dynamic and
ever - changing nature of the conservation values
‘ landscape ’ and consider the ways in which conservation is adjusting to a global polity that is increasingly
focused on other agendas such as climate change and
poverty alleviation.
2.2 THE ORIGINS AND VALUES OF
DIFFERENT PROTECTED AREA TYPES
Conservation values have often been split into
‘ intrinsic ’ and ‘ instrumental ’ , refl ecting a perceived
dichotomy between the desire to protect nature for its
own sake and protecting nature because of its value
to humanity. ‘ Intrinsic ’ value arguments typically
concern the aesthetic and intellectual appreciation of
nature and human compassion or reverence towards
other life forms and have roots in deep - seated psychological tendencies (biophilia), cultural world views and