stressed. Color-coded maps were generated from the analysis. From our experience in
Fiji during prior field experiments, we understood that the village chiefs were the
ultimate authority in management of the reefs. We decided to hold a ‘town-hall’ type
of discussion with the villagers and the chiefs in the region affected by the coral
damage and another village on the other side of the Bay that was only peripherally
affected by the event. This village was also close to the main town of Savusavu, and
inhabitants had interacted with tourists for many years through their employment at the
local seaside resorts. The gold mine was far from any tourism influence. The villagers
in the Savusavu town region could understand the concept of reef damage, had a good
grasp of ‘western’ approaches to reef conservation and could identify their location on
the map. The villagers in the region of the gold mine, however, showed little interest in
the map and associated discussion, even though they appeared to understand the spoken
English language. Although they were fascinated by a video of the damaged reef, they
expressed no concern, only amusement at the moving pictures. There was no discussion
of the nature of the damage or the impact on their livelihood, possibly since their
livelihood was heavily dependent on the operating gold mine.
We learned that the traditional management of reef resources is based upon taboos
(Knight et al., 1997) and that taboos exert pressure on local communities that directly
influences their impressions and use of the reefs. For example, the concept of sacred
ground is extended to sacred fishing regions where particular rules are followed. These
regions are though to be under the influence of supernatural forces, which ensures
fishing grounds are respected and protected at all times, even in the absence of
enforcement officers. If a certain predator species is caught, for example, fishing stops.
According to the villagers, if they act appropriately, their gods will provide them with
what they have asked for (Jennings and Polunin, 1996). On the ground, the predator is
there because of a downturn in the “health” of the coral reef. Some time in the past, the
predator was associated with lower fish catches and stress on the villagers. In Fiji, it is
essential that such cultural traditions be understood to avoid offensive visual
representation of features that are respected and valued.
It is also possible that with the reliance upon gold mine work, the villagers from
this region may have lost cultural practices based on traditional reliance on the reef.
Others more qualified than we would be able to verify this. Our lesson was that the
colorful map we presented had no impact on the villagers near the gold mine, since
maps were not part of their normal interaction with the local environment. If we
understood their taboos and illustrated the problem and potential remedial action within
a comparable oral tradition, we might have been able to make our messages resonate
within their cultural environment.
This example illustrates the importance of understanding local culture and local
knowledge in effective communication. It is generally understood that local people
possess close ties to their surroundings, and therefore, possess an inherent
understanding of their environment: indeed, they have tended to ensure the long-term
sustainability of their resource base (Veitayaki, 1998). Therefore, it is important for
researchers to consider and incorporate local knowledge and understanding into a
remote sensing project to ensure effective communication.
273
Mapping and Management of Coral
Fiji during prior field experiments, we understood that the village chiefs were the
ultimate authority in management of the reefs. We decided to hold a ‘town-hall’ type
of discussion with the villagers and the chiefs in the region affected by the coral
damage and another village on the other side of the Bay that was only peripherally
affected by the event. This village was also close to the main town of Savusavu, and
inhabitants had interacted with tourists for many years through their employment at the
local seaside resorts. The gold mine was far from any tourism influence. The villagers
in the Savusavu town region could understand the concept of reef damage, had a good
grasp of ‘western’ approaches to reef conservation and could identify their location on
the map. The villagers in the region of the gold mine, however, showed little interest in
the map and associated discussion, even though they appeared to understand the spoken
English language. Although they were fascinated by a video of the damaged reef, they
expressed no concern, only amusement at the moving pictures. There was no discussion
of the nature of the damage or the impact on their livelihood, possibly since their
livelihood was heavily dependent on the operating gold mine.
We learned that the traditional management of reef resources is based upon taboos
(Knight et al., 1997) and that taboos exert pressure on local communities that directly
influences their impressions and use of the reefs. For example, the concept of sacred
ground is extended to sacred fishing regions where particular rules are followed. These
regions are though to be under the influence of supernatural forces, which ensures
fishing grounds are respected and protected at all times, even in the absence of
enforcement officers. If a certain predator species is caught, for example, fishing stops.
According to the villagers, if they act appropriately, their gods will provide them with
what they have asked for (Jennings and Polunin, 1996). On the ground, the predator is
there because of a downturn in the “health” of the coral reef. Some time in the past, the
predator was associated with lower fish catches and stress on the villagers. In Fiji, it is
essential that such cultural traditions be understood to avoid offensive visual
representation of features that are respected and valued.
It is also possible that with the reliance upon gold mine work, the villagers from
this region may have lost cultural practices based on traditional reliance on the reef.
Others more qualified than we would be able to verify this. Our lesson was that the
colorful map we presented had no impact on the villagers near the gold mine, since
maps were not part of their normal interaction with the local environment. If we
understood their taboos and illustrated the problem and potential remedial action within
a comparable oral tradition, we might have been able to make our messages resonate
within their cultural environment.
This example illustrates the importance of understanding local culture and local
knowledge in effective communication. It is generally understood that local people
possess close ties to their surroundings, and therefore, possess an inherent
understanding of their environment: indeed, they have tended to ensure the long-term
sustainability of their resource base (Veitayaki, 1998). Therefore, it is important for
researchers to consider and incorporate local knowledge and understanding into a
remote sensing project to ensure effective communication.
273
Mapping and Management of Coral