16
J. Kooiman and M. Bavinck
and complexity. Their drivers may reside within the market or, conversely, within
the local dynamics of a fi shery.
There are ways other than a fi sh chain to conceptualize the system-to-be-governed,
and in the course of this book we will highlight at least two of these other perspectives.
The fi rst is the Social Ecological Systems approach, which, focusing on a territorial
entity, distinguishes between two parts – a socio-economic and a natural subsystem
(Berkes et al. 2003 ; Walker et al. 2004 ; Armitage and Johnson 2006 ) . The Complex
Adaptive Systems approach, which emphasizes the capacity of complex systems to
self-organize or adapt, is a variation hereof (Wilson 2006 ; Mahon et al. 2008 ) . The
second approach informs Part II of this book: the respective chapters focus on societal
concerns such as ecosystem health, social justice, livelihood and employment, and
food security. Concerns differ from principles in that they emerge not from analysis
but from political and social debate (Chuenpagdee et al. 2005 ) . This vantage point
therefore possesses the advantage of poignancy. We consider the discussion of such
concerns – which could even be considered as sub-systems of system-to-begoverned – worthwhile for determining governability issues. In addition, such normdriven approaches to systems-to-be-governed bring some order to the otherwise
unlimited number of potential factors relevant for asking governability questions.
Governing System
A governing system includes the total set of mechanisms and processes that are
available for guidance, control and steerage of the system-to-be-governed in question.
Interactive governance theory distinguishes three governing realms, state, market
and civil society, each with speci fi c governing characteristics and features.
Realms of Governing
In almost all parts of the world, states are still the most central governing entity.
Governments intervene in society all the time, and try to in fl uence, steer and control
from the local level to the international. Their governing activities vary from sector
to sector, and are in constant fl ux. Recent tendencies have been described under
headings as ‘regulatory’, ‘enabling’, ‘supermarket’, ‘corporate’ or ‘bargaining’ states
(Kooiman 2003 ) . A major division in state performance is the one between South
and North. Not only do the life stories of states in these two regions vary substantially, the challenges they face differ enormously as well. Politics is obviously a
major part of the governing system. Without a political dimension, in which the
goals of governance are negotiated and established, the governing system will
remain an empty shell. This aspect is often ignored or taken for granted in studies of
fi sheries governance.
Governance cannot exist without bureaucracy either. All major organizations,
public or private, make use of bureaucratic styles of management in one way or
J. Kooiman and M. Bavinck
and complexity. Their drivers may reside within the market or, conversely, within
the local dynamics of a fi shery.
There are ways other than a fi sh chain to conceptualize the system-to-be-governed,
and in the course of this book we will highlight at least two of these other perspectives.
The fi rst is the Social Ecological Systems approach, which, focusing on a territorial
entity, distinguishes between two parts – a socio-economic and a natural subsystem
(Berkes et al. 2003 ; Walker et al. 2004 ; Armitage and Johnson 2006 ) . The Complex
Adaptive Systems approach, which emphasizes the capacity of complex systems to
self-organize or adapt, is a variation hereof (Wilson 2006 ; Mahon et al. 2008 ) . The
second approach informs Part II of this book: the respective chapters focus on societal
concerns such as ecosystem health, social justice, livelihood and employment, and
food security. Concerns differ from principles in that they emerge not from analysis
but from political and social debate (Chuenpagdee et al. 2005 ) . This vantage point
therefore possesses the advantage of poignancy. We consider the discussion of such
concerns – which could even be considered as sub-systems of system-to-begoverned – worthwhile for determining governability issues. In addition, such normdriven approaches to systems-to-be-governed bring some order to the otherwise
unlimited number of potential factors relevant for asking governability questions.
Governing System
A governing system includes the total set of mechanisms and processes that are
available for guidance, control and steerage of the system-to-be-governed in question.
Interactive governance theory distinguishes three governing realms, state, market
and civil society, each with speci fi c governing characteristics and features.
Realms of Governing
In almost all parts of the world, states are still the most central governing entity.
Governments intervene in society all the time, and try to in fl uence, steer and control
from the local level to the international. Their governing activities vary from sector
to sector, and are in constant fl ux. Recent tendencies have been described under
headings as ‘regulatory’, ‘enabling’, ‘supermarket’, ‘corporate’ or ‘bargaining’ states
(Kooiman 2003 ) . A major division in state performance is the one between South
and North. Not only do the life stories of states in these two regions vary substantially, the challenges they face differ enormously as well. Politics is obviously a
major part of the governing system. Without a political dimension, in which the
goals of governance are negotiated and established, the governing system will
remain an empty shell. This aspect is often ignored or taken for granted in studies of
fi sheries governance.
Governance cannot exist without bureaucracy either. All major organizations,
public or private, make use of bureaucratic styles of management in one way or