15
2 Theorizing Governability – The Interactive Governance Perspective
In previous publications we pointed to scale as an essential characteristic of societal
systems, next to diversity, complexity and dynamics. Scale was de fi ned as referring “to
time and space dimensions of systems to be governed as well as to governing systems”
(Kooiman and Bavinck 2005 , 14). The spatial dimensions of fi sheries are easily
illustrated. Some fi sh species only occur in limited geographical areas, while others
span the globe. Additionally, some fi shers – like the ecosystem people referred to by
McGoodwin ( 1990 ) – make a living from resources in their immediate environments.
‘Biosphere people’, however – such as the ‘roving bandits’ referred to by Berkes et al.
( 2006 ) – operate on a far larger geographical scale, seeking out the target species where
it is to be found. Governance too takes place at various geographical scale levels, from
the village councils or panchayats of southern India (Bavinck 2001 ) and the cofradias
of Spain (Pascual-Fernandez et al . 2005 ) to global institutions such as the Food
and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Law of the Sea Tribunal (Suarez de Vivero
et al. 2005 ) . Each set of governors and governing arrangements thus matches a particular geography.
Time scales are also relevant to the governability of societal systems. Time plays
a role in ecology (for example, the life cycle of a fi sh species or the time needed
to destroy or rebuild an ecosystem), as well as in practices of capture, trade, and
processing. Such scales also include the time perspectives of the human actors
involved – the periods over which they assess, judge, plan and expect things to
happen. In fi sheries, for example, seasonality is an important phenomenon – fi shers
adapt their gear and fi shing practices according to the species that prevail in certain
seasons. The rhythm of fi shing seasons thereby forms a unique time scale, unfamiliar
to outsiders.
System-to-Be-Governed
In this volume we are mainly interested in societal systems belonging to the category
of ‘primary processes’. That is, those activities that meet basic human needs. In addition, we focus speci fi cally on systems that connect natural and social phenomena.
Capture fi sheries – which include harvesting, processing and marketing – is thus a
social process that is integrated with, and relies on, speci fi c sets of ecological and
geophysical conditions. The same is true for aquaculture. In line with this understanding, the system-to-be-governed of capture fi sheries and aquaculture has frequently been depicted as a fi sh chain leading from the ecosystem to the consumers’
plates (Johnson et al. 2005 ; Thorpe et al. 2005 ; Bush and Oosterveer 2007 )
Fish chains run from marine ecology, through harvesting, processing, marketing
and distribution, to the end consumer and, in so doing, generally cross multiple
scale levels. It follows that the shrimp extracted from a particular ecosystem in, for
example, South India, proceeds – through transactions at local, national and international levels – to the consumers’ plates in Europe, North America, or East Asia.
Another species, one of little international demand, is destined more for the local
market, and follows a different chain route with its own con fi guration of actors.
As Johnson et al. ( 2005 ) point out, fi sh chains have tremendous range of variation
2 Theorizing Governability – The Interactive Governance Perspective
In previous publications we pointed to scale as an essential characteristic of societal
systems, next to diversity, complexity and dynamics. Scale was de fi ned as referring “to
time and space dimensions of systems to be governed as well as to governing systems”
(Kooiman and Bavinck 2005 , 14). The spatial dimensions of fi sheries are easily
illustrated. Some fi sh species only occur in limited geographical areas, while others
span the globe. Additionally, some fi shers – like the ecosystem people referred to by
McGoodwin ( 1990 ) – make a living from resources in their immediate environments.
‘Biosphere people’, however – such as the ‘roving bandits’ referred to by Berkes et al.
( 2006 ) – operate on a far larger geographical scale, seeking out the target species where
it is to be found. Governance too takes place at various geographical scale levels, from
the village councils or panchayats of southern India (Bavinck 2001 ) and the cofradias
of Spain (Pascual-Fernandez et al . 2005 ) to global institutions such as the Food
and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Law of the Sea Tribunal (Suarez de Vivero
et al. 2005 ) . Each set of governors and governing arrangements thus matches a particular geography.
Time scales are also relevant to the governability of societal systems. Time plays
a role in ecology (for example, the life cycle of a fi sh species or the time needed
to destroy or rebuild an ecosystem), as well as in practices of capture, trade, and
processing. Such scales also include the time perspectives of the human actors
involved – the periods over which they assess, judge, plan and expect things to
happen. In fi sheries, for example, seasonality is an important phenomenon – fi shers
adapt their gear and fi shing practices according to the species that prevail in certain
seasons. The rhythm of fi shing seasons thereby forms a unique time scale, unfamiliar
to outsiders.
System-to-Be-Governed
In this volume we are mainly interested in societal systems belonging to the category
of ‘primary processes’. That is, those activities that meet basic human needs. In addition, we focus speci fi cally on systems that connect natural and social phenomena.
Capture fi sheries – which include harvesting, processing and marketing – is thus a
social process that is integrated with, and relies on, speci fi c sets of ecological and
geophysical conditions. The same is true for aquaculture. In line with this understanding, the system-to-be-governed of capture fi sheries and aquaculture has frequently been depicted as a fi sh chain leading from the ecosystem to the consumers’
plates (Johnson et al. 2005 ; Thorpe et al. 2005 ; Bush and Oosterveer 2007 )
Fish chains run from marine ecology, through harvesting, processing, marketing
and distribution, to the end consumer and, in so doing, generally cross multiple
scale levels. It follows that the shrimp extracted from a particular ecosystem in, for
example, South India, proceeds – through transactions at local, national and international levels – to the consumers’ plates in Europe, North America, or East Asia.
Another species, one of little international demand, is destined more for the local
market, and follows a different chain route with its own con fi guration of actors.
As Johnson et al. ( 2005 ) point out, fi sh chains have tremendous range of variation