246
K. Frangoudes et al.
shell fi sh that could be harvested. Any person facing fi nancial dif fi culties or seeking
an income could become a shell fi sh gatherer. In the words of one female shell fi sher:
“It was a way to survive (…), by selling clams and cockles we could buy six sacks
of wheat fl our” (Marugán Pintos 2004 , 45).
Until the mid 1980s, the central government was responsible for regulating
shell fi sh practices. In 1963, the fi rst ministerial order concerning the governance of
this activity awarded management of the fi rst sale of seafood to local fi sher organizations ( cofradías) , thereby strengthening their position. The role of the cofradías
was further reinforced by Law 59/1969, which granted them the right to establish
and exploit shell fi sh farms. Cofradías are backed by the state as local nonpro fi t
corporations with public rights. They represent the interests of the entire fi shing
sector by acting as consultative and cooperative bodies for the government and
undertaking of economic, administrative and commercial management tasks. They
also have the ability to “cooperate in matters of regulating access to resources
and reporting infractions occurring in their territory” (Pascual Fernández 1999 , 71).
As consultative bodies, cofradías may propose speci fi c regulations to the administration (e.g., regulations about gears), collaborate in the surveillance of shell fi sh
areas, and manage the fi rst sale of catches.
6
Despite the 1963 regulation requiring a license for shell fi shing, resources were
overexploited because there was no limit to the number of licenses issued. On top of
that, they were extremely easy to obtain.
7 As a result, the number of harvesters, and
consequently the level of overexploitation, increased year after year. During the fi rst
days of gathering following the end of the closed season, all manner of persons
would come to the shore to pro fi t from the high catches. However, once the amounts
gathered declined and the activity became less pro fi table, women were the main
harvesters. In this sense, shell fi shing by women shared similar characteristics
to those often attributed to preindustrial women’s work: inconstant and irregular
(Vara Miranda and Maquieira D’Angelo 1996 ; Marugán Pintos 2004 ) , and regarded
as an extension to their domestic tasks. In fact, a high percentage (42.4%) of women
6 Until 1978, cofradías were the sole organizations representing ship-owners and crewmembers.
Royal Decree 670/78 ended the compulsory membership of cofradías for industrial fl eet owners
and crews. Subsequently, owners of industrial fl eets created their own organizations and crewmembers joined trade unions. Today, members of cofradías are boats owners and crewmembers of
artisanal fi sheries. They are equally represented in their governing bodies. In Galicia, shell fi sh
gatherers are included in artisanal fi sheries and are therefore members of cofradías . Owing to their
importance and speci fi cities, shell fi shers can create their own section ( agrupación de mariscadoras )
inside cofradías . The cofradía is managed by a chair ( patrón mayor ) and by two other governing
bodies: the general committee and the cabildo (Pascual-Fernández et al. 2005 : 161). In the past,
the position of patrón mayor was usually held by experienced fi shermen but today this is no longer
the case and some time women involved in shell fi shing have assumed this role in some cofradías .
In Galicia, cofradías manage fi sheries activity, fi rst-sell auctions, and provide accounting services
for their members. See also Alegret ( 1996, 1998, 1999 ) , Pascual-Fernandez ( 1999 ) , and Erkoreka
Gervasio ( 1991 ) .
7 Harvesters only needed to be Spanish, aged over 16, live in the maritime province where licenses
were issued, and be included in the shell fi sher census of the local cofradía .
K. Frangoudes et al.
shell fi sh that could be harvested. Any person facing fi nancial dif fi culties or seeking
an income could become a shell fi sh gatherer. In the words of one female shell fi sher:
“It was a way to survive (…), by selling clams and cockles we could buy six sacks
of wheat fl our” (Marugán Pintos 2004 , 45).
Until the mid 1980s, the central government was responsible for regulating
shell fi sh practices. In 1963, the fi rst ministerial order concerning the governance of
this activity awarded management of the fi rst sale of seafood to local fi sher organizations ( cofradías) , thereby strengthening their position. The role of the cofradías
was further reinforced by Law 59/1969, which granted them the right to establish
and exploit shell fi sh farms. Cofradías are backed by the state as local nonpro fi t
corporations with public rights. They represent the interests of the entire fi shing
sector by acting as consultative and cooperative bodies for the government and
undertaking of economic, administrative and commercial management tasks. They
also have the ability to “cooperate in matters of regulating access to resources
and reporting infractions occurring in their territory” (Pascual Fernández 1999 , 71).
As consultative bodies, cofradías may propose speci fi c regulations to the administration (e.g., regulations about gears), collaborate in the surveillance of shell fi sh
areas, and manage the fi rst sale of catches.
6
Despite the 1963 regulation requiring a license for shell fi shing, resources were
overexploited because there was no limit to the number of licenses issued. On top of
that, they were extremely easy to obtain.
7 As a result, the number of harvesters, and
consequently the level of overexploitation, increased year after year. During the fi rst
days of gathering following the end of the closed season, all manner of persons
would come to the shore to pro fi t from the high catches. However, once the amounts
gathered declined and the activity became less pro fi table, women were the main
harvesters. In this sense, shell fi shing by women shared similar characteristics
to those often attributed to preindustrial women’s work: inconstant and irregular
(Vara Miranda and Maquieira D’Angelo 1996 ; Marugán Pintos 2004 ) , and regarded
as an extension to their domestic tasks. In fact, a high percentage (42.4%) of women
6 Until 1978, cofradías were the sole organizations representing ship-owners and crewmembers.
Royal Decree 670/78 ended the compulsory membership of cofradías for industrial fl eet owners
and crews. Subsequently, owners of industrial fl eets created their own organizations and crewmembers joined trade unions. Today, members of cofradías are boats owners and crewmembers of
artisanal fi sheries. They are equally represented in their governing bodies. In Galicia, shell fi sh
gatherers are included in artisanal fi sheries and are therefore members of cofradías . Owing to their
importance and speci fi cities, shell fi shers can create their own section ( agrupación de mariscadoras )
inside cofradías . The cofradía is managed by a chair ( patrón mayor ) and by two other governing
bodies: the general committee and the cabildo (Pascual-Fernández et al. 2005 : 161). In the past,
the position of patrón mayor was usually held by experienced fi shermen but today this is no longer
the case and some time women involved in shell fi shing have assumed this role in some cofradías .
In Galicia, cofradías manage fi sheries activity, fi rst-sell auctions, and provide accounting services
for their members. See also Alegret ( 1996, 1998, 1999 ) , Pascual-Fernandez ( 1999 ) , and Erkoreka
Gervasio ( 1991 ) .
7 Harvesters only needed to be Spanish, aged over 16, live in the maritime province where licenses
were issued, and be included in the shell fi sher census of the local cofradía .