245
13 Gender in Galician Shell-Fisheries: Transforming for Governability
however, was primarily a male activity. The knowledge and skills have been passed
down from generation to generation, from mother to daughter, a cultural heritage
that has disappeared in other areas of Spain. Until recently, however, the status of
harvesting shell fi sh on foot was low due to con fl icts and resource depletion. The
fact that women undertook the activity only served to worsen its public image and
may have in fl uenced the authorities’ lack of interest or capacity to regulate the
activity.
The transfer of ( fi sheries) responsibilities to the regional government of Galicia
in the mid 1980s created new opportunities for the governability of shell fi shing. The
activity was considered important in the region and administrative attention
increased signi fi cantly with the aid of European funding.
The entire process has been marked by the co-management of resources between
the administration and local shell fi sheries associations (which are part of local fi sher
organizations). The chapter will also discuss the transformation of an activity from
informal to regulated, resulting in full recognition and social protection for mariscadoras . Professionalizing the activity boosted the con fi dence of on foot women
shell fi shers or mariscadoras , so much so that they created their own organization,
managed the resource, developed extensive shell fi sh farming, and joined established
male organizations, assuming various positions of responsibility within the governing bodies of these organizations.
Development of Shell fi sh Activity in Galicia
In Spain, shell fi sh has historically been consumed by people with a low income.
Coastal populations practiced shell fi shing, because the intertidal zone was open to
all, and people sought sources of protein and sustenance. Shell fi sh was regarded as
a marginal food and was mainly harvested on foot by women and children for home
consumption. In the early 1960s, shell fi sh gathering became a commercial activity
when the local cannery industry, which processed sardines, could not secure
suf fi cient supplies. Stocks were critical and landings of sardines had decreased considerably. The industry needed to replace sardines with other species for several
months of the year in order to maintain a certain production level (October to
February), and shell fi sh provided a solution. The onset of the sardine crisis forced
canneries to create the fi rst big commercial market for shell fi sh in Spain (Meltzoff
1995 ) . The shift of the local cannery industry towards shell fi sh and the opening of
new markets for fresh seafood raised the value of this product. As a consequence,
the number of gatherers increased, and the constant pattern of harvesting quickly
provoked an overexploitation of shell fi sh beds. Men, women, and children fl ocked
to the beaches to gather the resource. When the tides were favorable, women would
leave home and children would forego school. Even factory workers (e.g., the
Citroën factory in Vigo, Galicia) would take their holidays in October, the beginning of harvesting period. At the time, shell fi sh gathering was an informal activity
and there were no limits on the number of gatherers or the quantity and size of
13 Gender in Galician Shell-Fisheries: Transforming for Governability
however, was primarily a male activity. The knowledge and skills have been passed
down from generation to generation, from mother to daughter, a cultural heritage
that has disappeared in other areas of Spain. Until recently, however, the status of
harvesting shell fi sh on foot was low due to con fl icts and resource depletion. The
fact that women undertook the activity only served to worsen its public image and
may have in fl uenced the authorities’ lack of interest or capacity to regulate the
activity.
The transfer of ( fi sheries) responsibilities to the regional government of Galicia
in the mid 1980s created new opportunities for the governability of shell fi shing. The
activity was considered important in the region and administrative attention
increased signi fi cantly with the aid of European funding.
The entire process has been marked by the co-management of resources between
the administration and local shell fi sheries associations (which are part of local fi sher
organizations). The chapter will also discuss the transformation of an activity from
informal to regulated, resulting in full recognition and social protection for mariscadoras . Professionalizing the activity boosted the con fi dence of on foot women
shell fi shers or mariscadoras , so much so that they created their own organization,
managed the resource, developed extensive shell fi sh farming, and joined established
male organizations, assuming various positions of responsibility within the governing bodies of these organizations.
Development of Shell fi sh Activity in Galicia
In Spain, shell fi sh has historically been consumed by people with a low income.
Coastal populations practiced shell fi shing, because the intertidal zone was open to
all, and people sought sources of protein and sustenance. Shell fi sh was regarded as
a marginal food and was mainly harvested on foot by women and children for home
consumption. In the early 1960s, shell fi sh gathering became a commercial activity
when the local cannery industry, which processed sardines, could not secure
suf fi cient supplies. Stocks were critical and landings of sardines had decreased considerably. The industry needed to replace sardines with other species for several
months of the year in order to maintain a certain production level (October to
February), and shell fi sh provided a solution. The onset of the sardine crisis forced
canneries to create the fi rst big commercial market for shell fi sh in Spain (Meltzoff
1995 ) . The shift of the local cannery industry towards shell fi sh and the opening of
new markets for fresh seafood raised the value of this product. As a consequence,
the number of gatherers increased, and the constant pattern of harvesting quickly
provoked an overexploitation of shell fi sh beds. Men, women, and children fl ocked
to the beaches to gather the resource. When the tides were favorable, women would
leave home and children would forego school. Even factory workers (e.g., the
Citroën factory in Vigo, Galicia) would take their holidays in October, the beginning of harvesting period. At the time, shell fi sh gathering was an informal activity
and there were no limits on the number of gatherers or the quantity and size of