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of the Jordan River’s water resources and overexploiting the aquifers which are
shared with the Palestinians (Amnesty International 2009 ).
In the 1990s and in the fi rst decade of the third millennium, Israel was confronted
with the impacts of a series of drought years. Several reports revealed that with
respect to water, to continue with a “business as usual” policy was not possible.
Israel reacted with the introduction of technical innovations in the water sector and
a reform of water management institutions and pricing policies.
Some of these measures could be looked upon as being the adaptation of existing
major water engineering projects (MWEPs), such as the Israel Water Carrier, or
even being a second-generation MWEP.
Does the reform mean a shift away from the traditional technology-centred
approach (MWEP logic)? And how have the reforms infl uenced the discussion
around the Red Sea–Dead Sea Conveyance Project and its possible options?
16.2 The Evolution of Israel’s Water and Agrarian Policy
From the fi rst Zionist settlements, water in conjunction with land had been the driving force for the development of Israel’s society and economy. Working the land
was strongly linked to the Zionist ideology (Lipchin 2007 ). Modern agricultural
techniques were introduced in Palestine not only by the Jewish settlers but also by
Christian religious settlements from America and German Pietism movements
(Kark 1983 ). A major infl uence stemmed not only from the introduction of modern
agricultural techniques but also from the commercial marketing methods introduced
by Baron de Rothschild who transferred all his properties and interests from his
Palestinian settlements ( moshavim ) to the Jewish Colonization Association. Right
from the beginning of Jewish expansion in the late nineteenth century, there was a
difference between the subsistence system of the local Arab communities and the
European model, based on cash crop plantations and shaping the Jewish settlements
(Aaronsohn 1995 ). Jewish settlers did not come from traditional agrarian societies,
but had a more urban background. From the commencement, the settlers invested
not only in modern technologies and fertilisers, but they also improved the water
supply devices within the settlements ( ibid. ). The strong ties and close communication between agricultural research and the farmer communities, most of whom had
an excellent education, though not necessarily in agriculture, and the strong ties of
the research communities with the Kibbutzim were determining factors for the high
innovation rate within the Israeli agriculture. When compared to other agricultural
societies, their pace of practical implementation in agricultural innovation has been
considerably slower (Katz and Ben-David 1975 ).
Israel’s Water Law of 1959 declared water as a public good, and its management
was given into the responsibility of state institutions (Lipchin 2007 ). Any abstraction
of water and any use of water require a permit. The requirement to monitor and measure the water was already included in the 1955 Water Measurement Law (Feitelson
2013 ). Since then, the water management system of Israel has been highly centralised. Its main purpose was subordinated to agricultural uses (Feitelson et al. 2007 ).
C. Bismuth et al.
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