197
place, then work-time reduction offers a promising way to reduce unemployment by
sharing the work, leading to reduced inequalities, while at the same time offering
high prospects of increasing well-being and reducing environmental burdens
(Hayden and Shandra 2009 ; Victor 2008 ; Jackson 2009 ; Coote et al. 2010 ; Knight
et al. 2013 ; Pullinger 2014 ; Rosnick and Weisbrot 2007 ).
In conclusion, this chapter has reviewed the main determinants of Western
household carbon footprints. What is clear from this body of work is that, seen from
a consumption perspective, the majority of carbon impacts arise from transportation, food and housing. The need to improve systems of provision of food, energy
and transportation and renovate or rebuild ineffi cient housing stock is therefore
indisputable. However, where possible these measures should be supplemented by
other approaches. For instance, through further analysis it is evident that recreation
and leisure leads to the single highest proportion of household carbon emissions.
Opportunities should therefore be sought for low carbon leisure activities which
also enhance wellbeing. Such activities might include for instance spending time
with friends and family in and around the home, or engaging in physical recreation
in the local community.
One inescapable fi nding from this body of work is that income is one of the principal drivers of carbon emissions, with carbon footprints increasing with increasing
incomes. Incomes also appear to drive the rebound effect. These understandings led
us to a wider, whole-systems approach in which we view households as an integral
part of the system of production and consumption. Policies on work-time reduction,
with appropriate measures to safeguard low income households, can offer additional win-win opportunities that, to some extent, overcome this stumbling block.
Ultimately, however, income growth is driven by economic structure. Approaches
which tackle the structural implications of economic growth are also essential to a
meaningful understanding of the potential to reduce carbon footprints. In summary,
industrial ecology, with its wide ranging systems approach as shown in this chapter,
has a great deal to contribute to the quest to devise strategies to move towards lower
carbon, fulfi lling lifestyles.
Acknowledgements We are grateful for support from the UK’s Economic and Social Research
Council (ESRC) for funding the Research Group on Lifestyles, Values and Environment
(RESOLVE) (Grant Number RES-152-25-1004) and also for support from the UK Department of
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), the ESRC and the Scottish Government for funding the Sustainable Lifestyles Research Group (SLRG).
Open Access This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
Noncommercial License, which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in
any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
9 Understanding Households as Drivers of Carbon Emissions
place, then work-time reduction offers a promising way to reduce unemployment by
sharing the work, leading to reduced inequalities, while at the same time offering
high prospects of increasing well-being and reducing environmental burdens
(Hayden and Shandra 2009 ; Victor 2008 ; Jackson 2009 ; Coote et al. 2010 ; Knight
et al. 2013 ; Pullinger 2014 ; Rosnick and Weisbrot 2007 ).
In conclusion, this chapter has reviewed the main determinants of Western
household carbon footprints. What is clear from this body of work is that, seen from
a consumption perspective, the majority of carbon impacts arise from transportation, food and housing. The need to improve systems of provision of food, energy
and transportation and renovate or rebuild ineffi cient housing stock is therefore
indisputable. However, where possible these measures should be supplemented by
other approaches. For instance, through further analysis it is evident that recreation
and leisure leads to the single highest proportion of household carbon emissions.
Opportunities should therefore be sought for low carbon leisure activities which
also enhance wellbeing. Such activities might include for instance spending time
with friends and family in and around the home, or engaging in physical recreation
in the local community.
One inescapable fi nding from this body of work is that income is one of the principal drivers of carbon emissions, with carbon footprints increasing with increasing
incomes. Incomes also appear to drive the rebound effect. These understandings led
us to a wider, whole-systems approach in which we view households as an integral
part of the system of production and consumption. Policies on work-time reduction,
with appropriate measures to safeguard low income households, can offer additional win-win opportunities that, to some extent, overcome this stumbling block.
Ultimately, however, income growth is driven by economic structure. Approaches
which tackle the structural implications of economic growth are also essential to a
meaningful understanding of the potential to reduce carbon footprints. In summary,
industrial ecology, with its wide ranging systems approach as shown in this chapter,
has a great deal to contribute to the quest to devise strategies to move towards lower
carbon, fulfi lling lifestyles.
Acknowledgements We are grateful for support from the UK’s Economic and Social Research
Council (ESRC) for funding the Research Group on Lifestyles, Values and Environment
(RESOLVE) (Grant Number RES-152-25-1004) and also for support from the UK Department of
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), the ESRC and the Scottish Government for funding the Sustainable Lifestyles Research Group (SLRG).
Open Access This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
Noncommercial License, which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in
any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
9 Understanding Households as Drivers of Carbon Emissions