306 E. MOE ET AL.
supported by most of the environmental movement (DN 2013). In his
autobiography, Prime Minister Stoltenberg (2016, p. 429) states that he
experienced massive lobbying pressure from what he labeled an enviroindustrial complex, consisting of the environmental movement, LO,
NHO, and the industry, in cooperation with several Norwegian political
parties, including his coalition partners, the Center Party and the Socialist
Left Party. These had, he says, enormous power. However, while there
was heavy vested interest pressure behind the certificates, they were not
considered a victory for wind power. The warning in 2012 was that certificates would favor hydropower, threatening the last remaining natural
Norwegian river systems, while suppressing wind power, which was still
not cost-competitive (ABC Nyheter 2012; FriFagbevegelse 2013).
It is however no longer obvious that there is strong vested interest
pressure for continued wind power expansion. The certificates expire
in 2021, no new support system will replace it, and popular resistance
against wind power installations has made politicians wary. Thus, also for
this prerequisite for the green battery the short-term prospects seem if
anything worse than in 2013.
In conclusion, the vested interest story is ambiguous. The vested
interest constellation that produced a cable compromise and a green
certificate system no longer exists. Instead, industry interests have grown
stronger and environmentalist support for renewable energy has to a
major extent been replaced by nature conservation concerns about the
pace of wind power expansion. Norwegian politicians are still influenced
by lobbying, but these are lobbying efforts that for now have made the
green battery less likely.
Conclusions
Norway is an interesting case. With its abundance of actual and potential
renewable energy resources, it is an antidote to a world where most countries are energy scarce. It is also a country with a strong environmental
identity. If not Norway, what other countries could credibly be able and
willing to serve as a green battery for Europe?
In one way, Norway is already a green battery—for Denmark—and
has for decades engaged in power exchange through Nord Pool. Thus,
Norway has a long history of exporting and importing electricity. Power
exchange is a source of income and it improves Norwegian energy security
by providing easy access to electricity during dry years when Norwegian
supported by most of the environmental movement (DN 2013). In his
autobiography, Prime Minister Stoltenberg (2016, p. 429) states that he
experienced massive lobbying pressure from what he labeled an enviroindustrial complex, consisting of the environmental movement, LO,
NHO, and the industry, in cooperation with several Norwegian political
parties, including his coalition partners, the Center Party and the Socialist
Left Party. These had, he says, enormous power. However, while there
was heavy vested interest pressure behind the certificates, they were not
considered a victory for wind power. The warning in 2012 was that certificates would favor hydropower, threatening the last remaining natural
Norwegian river systems, while suppressing wind power, which was still
not cost-competitive (ABC Nyheter 2012; FriFagbevegelse 2013).
It is however no longer obvious that there is strong vested interest
pressure for continued wind power expansion. The certificates expire
in 2021, no new support system will replace it, and popular resistance
against wind power installations has made politicians wary. Thus, also for
this prerequisite for the green battery the short-term prospects seem if
anything worse than in 2013.
In conclusion, the vested interest story is ambiguous. The vested
interest constellation that produced a cable compromise and a green
certificate system no longer exists. Instead, industry interests have grown
stronger and environmentalist support for renewable energy has to a
major extent been replaced by nature conservation concerns about the
pace of wind power expansion. Norwegian politicians are still influenced
by lobbying, but these are lobbying efforts that for now have made the
green battery less likely.
Conclusions
Norway is an interesting case. With its abundance of actual and potential
renewable energy resources, it is an antidote to a world where most countries are energy scarce. It is also a country with a strong environmental
identity. If not Norway, what other countries could credibly be able and
willing to serve as a green battery for Europe?
In one way, Norway is already a green battery—for Denmark—and
has for decades engaged in power exchange through Nord Pool. Thus,
Norway has a long history of exporting and importing electricity. Power
exchange is a source of income and it improves Norwegian energy security
by providing easy access to electricity during dry years when Norwegian
