4 P. MIDFORD
the adoption of renewable energy. Structural influence in turn reflects
what Unruh (2000) calls a techno-institutional complex that perpetuates the existing energy infrastructure, effectively blocking alternative
energy infrastructures from emerging. This can result in “carbon lockin,” with fossil-fuel industries dominant, and in some countries. This
can be complemented by “nuclear lock-in.” This structural power is
centrally related to the focus of this book on the new challenges to further
expanding renewable energy due to a lack of electricity grid and storage
capacity.
Second public opinion, especially, but not exclusively, in liberal democracies, has a significant influence over the widespread adoption of renewable energy. The “rational public” forms coherent, if not rational, and
stable opinions on policy issues based on underlying attitudes. These
opinions respond in coherent ways to new information and are not easily
manipulated or influenced by elites (Page and Shapiro 1992). 3 Even
authoritarian states like China must be responsive to public opinion to
some degree or risk public backlash and loss of regime legitimacy (Gries
2006; Tang 2005; Reilly 2012; Chen Weiss 2014). Especially in democratic systems but even potentially in authoritarian states, public opinion
can be a force promoting renewable energy adoption in preference to
alternatives such as continued fossil fuel or nuclear-power reliance, or
public opinion can be a force inhibiting the spread of renewable energy
through Not-in-My-Back-Yard (NIMBY) movements (see Chapter 12
regarding NIMBY opposition to wind power in Norway), or through a
reluctance to accept and adjust to new technologies, such as smart meters.
Finally, strong states can play a major role in helping, or in some cases
hindering, renewable energy as it faces the challenges of transitioning
from being a niche supply of energy to replacing fossil and nuclear fueled
power. A strong state is defined as possessing even control over its territory and significant bureaucratic capacity, and as having autonomy from
non-state actors (Giraudy 2012, pp. 600–604). It is the latter two characteristics and especially autonomy from non-state actors that are key for
this study. All the states examined in this book exercise effective control
over their territory and have significant levels of bureaucratic capacity.
However, autonomy from non-state actors varies a great deal, especially
autonomy from vested interests and public opinion varies significantly.
The liberal democracies examined in this book, namely Japan, South
Korea, Denmark, Finland, and Norway, are where we would expect public
opinion to matter the most. By comparison, in more authoritarian regimes
the adoption of renewable energy. Structural influence in turn reflects
what Unruh (2000) calls a techno-institutional complex that perpetuates the existing energy infrastructure, effectively blocking alternative
energy infrastructures from emerging. This can result in “carbon lockin,” with fossil-fuel industries dominant, and in some countries. This
can be complemented by “nuclear lock-in.” This structural power is
centrally related to the focus of this book on the new challenges to further
expanding renewable energy due to a lack of electricity grid and storage
capacity.
Second public opinion, especially, but not exclusively, in liberal democracies, has a significant influence over the widespread adoption of renewable energy. The “rational public” forms coherent, if not rational, and
stable opinions on policy issues based on underlying attitudes. These
opinions respond in coherent ways to new information and are not easily
manipulated or influenced by elites (Page and Shapiro 1992). 3 Even
authoritarian states like China must be responsive to public opinion to
some degree or risk public backlash and loss of regime legitimacy (Gries
2006; Tang 2005; Reilly 2012; Chen Weiss 2014). Especially in democratic systems but even potentially in authoritarian states, public opinion
can be a force promoting renewable energy adoption in preference to
alternatives such as continued fossil fuel or nuclear-power reliance, or
public opinion can be a force inhibiting the spread of renewable energy
through Not-in-My-Back-Yard (NIMBY) movements (see Chapter 12
regarding NIMBY opposition to wind power in Norway), or through a
reluctance to accept and adjust to new technologies, such as smart meters.
Finally, strong states can play a major role in helping, or in some cases
hindering, renewable energy as it faces the challenges of transitioning
from being a niche supply of energy to replacing fossil and nuclear fueled
power. A strong state is defined as possessing even control over its territory and significant bureaucratic capacity, and as having autonomy from
non-state actors (Giraudy 2012, pp. 600–604). It is the latter two characteristics and especially autonomy from non-state actors that are key for
this study. All the states examined in this book exercise effective control
over their territory and have significant levels of bureaucratic capacity.
However, autonomy from non-state actors varies a great deal, especially
autonomy from vested interests and public opinion varies significantly.
The liberal democracies examined in this book, namely Japan, South
Korea, Denmark, Finland, and Norway, are where we would expect public
opinion to matter the most. By comparison, in more authoritarian regimes