39
Russia, both bordering Central Asian states, have many common concerns and
interests in the region which create more basis for cooperation. Safeguarding border
security and combatting extremist or irredentist activates in Central Asia which pose
a security threat to both countries may thus cool temptations toward active rivalry;
ensuring regional security and stability is essentially a common interest. Since 9/11,
both countries have watched the build-up of US forces in the region with growing
concern (Rumer and Huasheng 2007:180–181).
Daniel Moran and James A. Russell argue that the militarization of energy policy
imposed specific problems on the US, whose national interest is otherwise strongly
identified with the conservation of market-based access to energy resources. Before
the shale oil and gas revolution redressed the balance of American supplies,
American concerns over energy lay over both dependence on imported oil and on
the awareness of American domestic opinion regarding high oil prices. However,
neither of these rationales has a direct impact on the region (Moran and Russell
2009:12).
The Bush administration paid far more attention to energy policy and energy
research, with the Bush administration’s R&D budget at the Department of Energy
increased compared to that financed by the Clinton administration. Yet, this included
a shift in priorities even farther away from conversation research. Between 2001 and
2007 the DOE’s R&D budgets for conservation and energy efficiency were cut by a
third. Rather, the Bush administration put its focus on nuclear energy. Over the
course of the Clinton and Bush administrations, the US energy sector was faced
with three major challenges; bridging the Gap between US high energy consumption and Domestic Production, reducing greenhouse emission, and avoiding calls
for energy isolationism. With the aim of meeting future energy demands, a reduction of per capita consumption and an increase in domestic production was thus put
forth (Wenger et al. 2009:227–241).
Viktor Chernomyrdin’s appointment as the Prime Minister of the Russian
Federation as the successor of Yegor Gaydar in December 1992 was the most
explicit indication that the Russian elite considered the modernization of the energy
sector as the basis of the new power. Chernomyrdin was a loyal former bureaucrat
in the Soviet Ministry of Energy and at the beginning of the 1990s, he worked as an
administrator during the formation of Gazprom, a large state company. He made the
implementation of the energy industry Gaydar’s “shock therapy” possible and made
the energy sector one of the most powerful sectors in the new Russian economy by
ending the fixed prices determined by the government. According to the Russian
elite, who were in pursuit of a “great idea,” the energy sector should form the foundation of establishing a new “liberal empire” (Cheterian 2017:406).
David B. H. Denoon believed that the role of the United States after withdrawal
of military forces will be a balancer against growing China and Russia’s influence
in the region. China is playing important in the region, Chinese policy emphasized
the importance of the region. It is clear that the principal concern in the China’s
foreign policy remains the United States (Denoon 2015:13–15).
According to David Steven, changing economic, environmental, and technological factors will set serious new challenges for energy governance in the coming
Literature on US, China, and Russia Policy Toward Central Asia
Russia, both bordering Central Asian states, have many common concerns and
interests in the region which create more basis for cooperation. Safeguarding border
security and combatting extremist or irredentist activates in Central Asia which pose
a security threat to both countries may thus cool temptations toward active rivalry;
ensuring regional security and stability is essentially a common interest. Since 9/11,
both countries have watched the build-up of US forces in the region with growing
concern (Rumer and Huasheng 2007:180–181).
Daniel Moran and James A. Russell argue that the militarization of energy policy
imposed specific problems on the US, whose national interest is otherwise strongly
identified with the conservation of market-based access to energy resources. Before
the shale oil and gas revolution redressed the balance of American supplies,
American concerns over energy lay over both dependence on imported oil and on
the awareness of American domestic opinion regarding high oil prices. However,
neither of these rationales has a direct impact on the region (Moran and Russell
2009:12).
The Bush administration paid far more attention to energy policy and energy
research, with the Bush administration’s R&D budget at the Department of Energy
increased compared to that financed by the Clinton administration. Yet, this included
a shift in priorities even farther away from conversation research. Between 2001 and
2007 the DOE’s R&D budgets for conservation and energy efficiency were cut by a
third. Rather, the Bush administration put its focus on nuclear energy. Over the
course of the Clinton and Bush administrations, the US energy sector was faced
with three major challenges; bridging the Gap between US high energy consumption and Domestic Production, reducing greenhouse emission, and avoiding calls
for energy isolationism. With the aim of meeting future energy demands, a reduction of per capita consumption and an increase in domestic production was thus put
forth (Wenger et al. 2009:227–241).
Viktor Chernomyrdin’s appointment as the Prime Minister of the Russian
Federation as the successor of Yegor Gaydar in December 1992 was the most
explicit indication that the Russian elite considered the modernization of the energy
sector as the basis of the new power. Chernomyrdin was a loyal former bureaucrat
in the Soviet Ministry of Energy and at the beginning of the 1990s, he worked as an
administrator during the formation of Gazprom, a large state company. He made the
implementation of the energy industry Gaydar’s “shock therapy” possible and made
the energy sector one of the most powerful sectors in the new Russian economy by
ending the fixed prices determined by the government. According to the Russian
elite, who were in pursuit of a “great idea,” the energy sector should form the foundation of establishing a new “liberal empire” (Cheterian 2017:406).
David B. H. Denoon believed that the role of the United States after withdrawal
of military forces will be a balancer against growing China and Russia’s influence
in the region. China is playing important in the region, Chinese policy emphasized
the importance of the region. It is clear that the principal concern in the China’s
foreign policy remains the United States (Denoon 2015:13–15).
According to David Steven, changing economic, environmental, and technological factors will set serious new challenges for energy governance in the coming
Literature on US, China, and Russia Policy Toward Central Asia