278 L.-C. SIM
power over budgetary allocations, discouraged large, ambitious projects,
such as a civilian nuclear plant, that had a direct impact on the immediate
benefits enjoyed by Kuwaiti citizens. 58 Regime resistance against a niche
breakthrough was hence formidable.
Elsewhere in MENA, the King Abdullah City for Atomic and Renewable Energy (KACARE) was established in 2010 to spearhead the kingdom’s civilian nuclear programme while Turkey and Jordan created new,
pro-nuclear actors, in the form of the Turkish Atomic Energy Agency
(TAEK) and Jordan Atomic Energy Commission (JAEC), respectively.
However, as discussed below, TAEK and JAEC lacked credibility and
ended up being sources of negative policy feedback, which added to the
difficulties of implementing and sustaining nuclear energy programmes in
these countries. As for KACARE, it has not made significant progress in
nuclear’s legal and regulatory development. 59
Co-benefits of Nuclear and Fossil Fuel Energy Regimes
A second aspect of building an enabling coalition was to pre-empt potential ‘regime resistance’ by reinforcing the co-benefits of adopting a niche
technology. 60 One of the staunchest supporters of nuclear energy in the
UAE was the gas industry since nuclear power freed up and facilitated
the monetization of gas by substituting nuclear for gas in the electricity grid. Exporting gas or injecting it into oil fields for enhanced oil
recovery or using gas as industrial feedstock is more valuable, in terms of
revenue and economic diversification, than consuming gas domestically
at subsidized prices. Nuclear energy—together with subsidy reductions,
intensive exploitation of gas deposits, and energy efficiency measures—
was perceived as a key contributor to the UAE’s goal of gas self-sufficiency
and thereafter of becoming a net gas exporter. 61 ENEC also courted
other regime-level actors such as industry and businesses, which traditionally relied on spending by the hydrocarbon sector. As of October 2018,
ENEC awarded contracts worth $3.8 billion to over 1500 local businesses
including Emirates Steel, Dubai Cable Company, and National Cement
for procurement of nuclear-grade reinforcing steel bars, cables, and
cement respectively. 62 The co-benefits to local businesses also extended
more generally to the wider economy since every dirham spent by an
average nuclear energy plant results in the creation of 1.04 dirhams in the
local community and about 1.87 dirhams in the country’s economy. 63
power over budgetary allocations, discouraged large, ambitious projects,
such as a civilian nuclear plant, that had a direct impact on the immediate
benefits enjoyed by Kuwaiti citizens. 58 Regime resistance against a niche
breakthrough was hence formidable.
Elsewhere in MENA, the King Abdullah City for Atomic and Renewable Energy (KACARE) was established in 2010 to spearhead the kingdom’s civilian nuclear programme while Turkey and Jordan created new,
pro-nuclear actors, in the form of the Turkish Atomic Energy Agency
(TAEK) and Jordan Atomic Energy Commission (JAEC), respectively.
However, as discussed below, TAEK and JAEC lacked credibility and
ended up being sources of negative policy feedback, which added to the
difficulties of implementing and sustaining nuclear energy programmes in
these countries. As for KACARE, it has not made significant progress in
nuclear’s legal and regulatory development. 59
Co-benefits of Nuclear and Fossil Fuel Energy Regimes
A second aspect of building an enabling coalition was to pre-empt potential ‘regime resistance’ by reinforcing the co-benefits of adopting a niche
technology. 60 One of the staunchest supporters of nuclear energy in the
UAE was the gas industry since nuclear power freed up and facilitated
the monetization of gas by substituting nuclear for gas in the electricity grid. Exporting gas or injecting it into oil fields for enhanced oil
recovery or using gas as industrial feedstock is more valuable, in terms of
revenue and economic diversification, than consuming gas domestically
at subsidized prices. Nuclear energy—together with subsidy reductions,
intensive exploitation of gas deposits, and energy efficiency measures—
was perceived as a key contributor to the UAE’s goal of gas self-sufficiency
and thereafter of becoming a net gas exporter. 61 ENEC also courted
other regime-level actors such as industry and businesses, which traditionally relied on spending by the hydrocarbon sector. As of October 2018,
ENEC awarded contracts worth $3.8 billion to over 1500 local businesses
including Emirates Steel, Dubai Cable Company, and National Cement
for procurement of nuclear-grade reinforcing steel bars, cables, and
cement respectively. 62 The co-benefits to local businesses also extended
more generally to the wider economy since every dirham spent by an
average nuclear energy plant results in the creation of 1.04 dirhams in the
local community and about 1.87 dirhams in the country’s economy. 63