6 BYZANTINE ENERGY POLITICS: THE COMPLEX TALE …
165
renewables sector had conflicting motivations as they tried to balance
their investments in oil and natural gas with those in renewables. This
variety created very different incentive structures and expectations among
the players, making collective action needed to push for further reforms
extremely difficult. 42
State Actors as the Drivers
of and Obstacles to Clean Energy Reforms
While Turkey’s energy pathway is partly shaped by these external and
internal pressure groups, it can be more accurately understood in the
context of the changing interests and capacity of state actors. In the early
2000s, AKP’s unflinching embrace of neoliberalism and commitment to
structural reforms provided the first opening for renewable energy legislation in Turkey. 43 As a new party founded fifteen months before the
November 2002 election, the AKP capitalized on the dissatisfaction with
the established parties during the economic crisis and appealed to wide
segments of the population as a reformist party that could bring muchneeded economic and political stability to the country. Despite its Islamic
and conservative roots, the AKP also understood the importance of
constructing a broad-based coalition to avoid the mistakes of its predecessors and stay in power. Its emphasis on market reforms, globalization, and
commitment to EU membership was appealing to the liberals and business groups, who traditionally tied the success of the Turkish economy to
EU membership, while its concerns with social justice issues, extension of
religious and ethnic freedoms attracted formerly marginalized and disadvantaged low- to middle-income groups in rural and metropolitan areas
to the coalition. 44
Despite the early attempts by the AKP governments to create a
competitive energy sector, by the end of the 2000s it was clear that they
were favoring certain energy projects over others. Renewables continued
to have a seat at the table and the government paid lip-service to
their importance in official documents and declarations, especially as the
concerns with energy import dependency and account deficits increased.
Yet, modern renewables, like wind and solar, were treated as the lesser
members of the ‘national energy’ portfolio, where coal and nuclear
got the lion’s share of attention. Next, I discuss the three reasons for
government’s insistence on traditional and unsustainable forms of energy
despite the pushback from external and domestic actors to more forcefully
promote renewables.
165
renewables sector had conflicting motivations as they tried to balance
their investments in oil and natural gas with those in renewables. This
variety created very different incentive structures and expectations among
the players, making collective action needed to push for further reforms
extremely difficult. 42
State Actors as the Drivers
of and Obstacles to Clean Energy Reforms
While Turkey’s energy pathway is partly shaped by these external and
internal pressure groups, it can be more accurately understood in the
context of the changing interests and capacity of state actors. In the early
2000s, AKP’s unflinching embrace of neoliberalism and commitment to
structural reforms provided the first opening for renewable energy legislation in Turkey. 43 As a new party founded fifteen months before the
November 2002 election, the AKP capitalized on the dissatisfaction with
the established parties during the economic crisis and appealed to wide
segments of the population as a reformist party that could bring muchneeded economic and political stability to the country. Despite its Islamic
and conservative roots, the AKP also understood the importance of
constructing a broad-based coalition to avoid the mistakes of its predecessors and stay in power. Its emphasis on market reforms, globalization, and
commitment to EU membership was appealing to the liberals and business groups, who traditionally tied the success of the Turkish economy to
EU membership, while its concerns with social justice issues, extension of
religious and ethnic freedoms attracted formerly marginalized and disadvantaged low- to middle-income groups in rural and metropolitan areas
to the coalition. 44
Despite the early attempts by the AKP governments to create a
competitive energy sector, by the end of the 2000s it was clear that they
were favoring certain energy projects over others. Renewables continued
to have a seat at the table and the government paid lip-service to
their importance in official documents and declarations, especially as the
concerns with energy import dependency and account deficits increased.
Yet, modern renewables, like wind and solar, were treated as the lesser
members of the ‘national energy’ portfolio, where coal and nuclear
got the lion’s share of attention. Next, I discuss the three reasons for
government’s insistence on traditional and unsustainable forms of energy
despite the pushback from external and domestic actors to more forcefully
promote renewables.