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C. Nabukalu and R. Giere
it and create black markets, thus selling charcoal at higher prices due to
market dynamics of artificial scarcity and high demand in urban centres,
as observed in Tanzania (Malimbwi & Zahabu, 2008).
6.5.2 Inventory in Final Markets
Because charcoal is not a perishable product, i.e. its properties do not
deteriorate, chemically decompose or allow fungi to develop while being
stored over long periods of time, it does not require sophisticated storage
practices to extend its shelf life. Even though water does not damage
it, charcoal is preferred dry by consumers, because in its dry state it
releases less smoke during use, and therefore traders try to keep out
moisture. Compared to firewood, charcoal takes up less storage space
at market stalls because of its lower volume (Malimbwi & Zahabu,
2008). Charcoal’s lightweight nature invites overloading beyond legal
limits on trucks, which move charcoal through the night to avoid detection by traffic authorities, and therefore, peak supply and deliveries in
urban centres often occur very early in the morning (Nabukalu & Gieré,
2019). Similar observations were made in Tanzania, Liberia and Ethiopia
(Malimbwi & Zahabu, 2008; Alfaro & Jones, 2018; Alem et al., 2010).
According to Malimbwi and Zahabu (2008), most middlemen use very
old vehicles in poor mechanical condition, which increases the risks of
road accidents. The peak supply often leads to storage of inventory,
and sacks are stacked at market stalls (Fig. 6.3c), where consumers can
conveniently find and purchase charcoal.
6.5.3 Factors That Affect Charcoal Prices
Even though some charcoal producers and traders reported that they
tend to scale back their involvement or leave the trade during the rainy
seasons to focus on agriculture, the supply of charcoal in the final markets
is constant throughout the year, due to stockpiling or inventory stocking
(Fig. 6.3c). This is similar to the stockpiling of dry firewood in anticipation of wet seasons, which Tabuti, Dhillion, and Lye (2003) observed in
the rural households of Bulamogi (Fig. 6.1). The motive of stockpiling
C. Nabukalu and R. Giere
it and create black markets, thus selling charcoal at higher prices due to
market dynamics of artificial scarcity and high demand in urban centres,
as observed in Tanzania (Malimbwi & Zahabu, 2008).
6.5.2 Inventory in Final Markets
Because charcoal is not a perishable product, i.e. its properties do not
deteriorate, chemically decompose or allow fungi to develop while being
stored over long periods of time, it does not require sophisticated storage
practices to extend its shelf life. Even though water does not damage
it, charcoal is preferred dry by consumers, because in its dry state it
releases less smoke during use, and therefore traders try to keep out
moisture. Compared to firewood, charcoal takes up less storage space
at market stalls because of its lower volume (Malimbwi & Zahabu,
2008). Charcoal’s lightweight nature invites overloading beyond legal
limits on trucks, which move charcoal through the night to avoid detection by traffic authorities, and therefore, peak supply and deliveries in
urban centres often occur very early in the morning (Nabukalu & Gieré,
2019). Similar observations were made in Tanzania, Liberia and Ethiopia
(Malimbwi & Zahabu, 2008; Alfaro & Jones, 2018; Alem et al., 2010).
According to Malimbwi and Zahabu (2008), most middlemen use very
old vehicles in poor mechanical condition, which increases the risks of
road accidents. The peak supply often leads to storage of inventory,
and sacks are stacked at market stalls (Fig. 6.3c), where consumers can
conveniently find and purchase charcoal.
6.5.3 Factors That Affect Charcoal Prices
Even though some charcoal producers and traders reported that they
tend to scale back their involvement or leave the trade during the rainy
seasons to focus on agriculture, the supply of charcoal in the final markets
is constant throughout the year, due to stockpiling or inventory stocking
(Fig. 6.3c). This is similar to the stockpiling of dry firewood in anticipation of wet seasons, which Tabuti, Dhillion, and Lye (2003) observed in
the rural households of Bulamogi (Fig. 6.1). The motive of stockpiling