6 The Status and Future of Charcoal in the Energy …
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chain saws. A typical pyrolysis cycle also involves leaving the earthmound kilns burning nonstop in the open forests for at least two weeks
(see Sedano et al., 2020). Charcoal production heavily relies on burner’s
skill (Chidumayo & Gumbo, 2013), and there is a lack of standardized
or best practice burning that includes safety procedures, which raises
serious concerns about risks of wildfires that can wipe out vegetation
extensively.
6.4.2 Regulation and Informality Along the Charcoal
Value Chain
The procurement of trees for charcoal is, in fact, highly regulated in some
parts of Africa. For instance, Nigeria banned cutting trees for charcoal
production in 2017 (WWF, 2018). In some countries, production bans
are more common at decentralized or district levels, e.g. in Engikareti,
the Northern Maasai village of Tanzania, or in Bulamogi in Eastern
Uganda (Fig. 6.1; Butz, 2013; Tabuti, Dhillion, & Lye, 2003). Owing
to the fast depletion of trees when they are cut with machines, the use
of chain saws by charcoal burners was banned in the Nwoya district of
Northern Uganda to slow the energy-related forest loss (Nabukalu &
Gieré, 2019). However, the highly complex informal dealings within the
trade make it difficult for local governments to track illegal activity, and
therefore, charcoal producers and traders can easily thrive independently
or as cartels (Pesa, 2017; Sander, Gros, & Peter, 2013). Moreover, the
producers operate under secrecy to prevent fines and arrests from local
authorities over forest degradation (Butz, 2013; Tabuti, Dhillion, & Lye,
2003). In urban centres, traders are sometimes reluctant to share information about their suppliers or producers when it bears no competitive
advantage and to sustain inventory supply (Nabukalu & Gieré, 2019).
Even though Pesa (2017) showed that the charcoal value chain in
Zambia is organized efficiently, we observed that, in Uganda, the most
upstream part of this supply chain does not exist as a highly structured or organized process. For instance, we found at our study sites
that in some cases, charcoal is produced as a source of secondary income
by farmers on their land when agricultural products are off-season or
199
chain saws. A typical pyrolysis cycle also involves leaving the earthmound kilns burning nonstop in the open forests for at least two weeks
(see Sedano et al., 2020). Charcoal production heavily relies on burner’s
skill (Chidumayo & Gumbo, 2013), and there is a lack of standardized
or best practice burning that includes safety procedures, which raises
serious concerns about risks of wildfires that can wipe out vegetation
extensively.
6.4.2 Regulation and Informality Along the Charcoal
Value Chain
The procurement of trees for charcoal is, in fact, highly regulated in some
parts of Africa. For instance, Nigeria banned cutting trees for charcoal
production in 2017 (WWF, 2018). In some countries, production bans
are more common at decentralized or district levels, e.g. in Engikareti,
the Northern Maasai village of Tanzania, or in Bulamogi in Eastern
Uganda (Fig. 6.1; Butz, 2013; Tabuti, Dhillion, & Lye, 2003). Owing
to the fast depletion of trees when they are cut with machines, the use
of chain saws by charcoal burners was banned in the Nwoya district of
Northern Uganda to slow the energy-related forest loss (Nabukalu &
Gieré, 2019). However, the highly complex informal dealings within the
trade make it difficult for local governments to track illegal activity, and
therefore, charcoal producers and traders can easily thrive independently
or as cartels (Pesa, 2017; Sander, Gros, & Peter, 2013). Moreover, the
producers operate under secrecy to prevent fines and arrests from local
authorities over forest degradation (Butz, 2013; Tabuti, Dhillion, & Lye,
2003). In urban centres, traders are sometimes reluctant to share information about their suppliers or producers when it bears no competitive
advantage and to sustain inventory supply (Nabukalu & Gieré, 2019).
Even though Pesa (2017) showed that the charcoal value chain in
Zambia is organized efficiently, we observed that, in Uganda, the most
upstream part of this supply chain does not exist as a highly structured or organized process. For instance, we found at our study sites
that in some cases, charcoal is produced as a source of secondary income
by farmers on their land when agricultural products are off-season or