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C. Nabukalu and R. Giere
modern energy. As such, over 70% of people in rural Africa rely on
traditional energy such as charcoal and firewood—this has made scholars
question the readiness of African countries to effectively achieve Goal 7
on energy access and Goal 13 on climate action (Nalule, 2020).
Several projections into the energy-consumption future of subSaharan Africa indicate that charcoal, among other forms of biomass,
such as firewood, will continue to be a significant source of energy
in households for cooking for a very long time (Owen, van der Plas,
& Sepp, 2012). According to the World Bank (2018), dependence on
this fuel type will continue well into the 2030s. In several African
nations, including Liberia, Uganda, Nigeria, Tanzania, Mozambique and
Kenya, biomass contributes to at least 80% of the energy consumed for
cooking, especially in urban settlements (Alfaro & Jones, 2018; Government of Uganda [GoU], 2015; Okello, O’Connor, & Young, 2001;
Cotton, Kirshner, & Salite, 2019; Ben-Iwo, Manovic, & Longhurst,
2016; Branch & Martiniello, 2018). The U.N. Food and Agricultural
Organization (FAO) also demonstrated that from 1993–2017, Africa
produced the largest annual average amount of charcoal in the world
(24.6 Million tons), corresponding to more than 57% of the total global
production (FAO, 2019).
In many ways, charcoal consumption and the significant dependence
on this fuel has framed the contemporary understanding of energy
in sub-Saharan Africa. For instance, significant side effects of its use,
including indoor air pollution and carbon monoxide poisoning, both
linked to high mortality (Fullerton, Bruce, & Gordon, 2008; de Koning,
Smith, & Last 1985), form the basis for putative notions, such as,
‘energy poverty’ and ‘energy insecurity’, in the development discourse
about the state of energy in the sub-Saharan region (Kaygusuz, 2011;
Khellaf, 2018). In national development plans and regional aspirations
for economic progress, African nations, such as Mozambique, Nigeria,
Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya, have prioritized centralized infrastructures, such as hydropower dams, nuclear and geothermal power plants
for long-term generation and continuous supply of electricity (Africa
Oil and Power, 2018; Cotton, Kirshner, & Salite, 2019; Owen, van der
Plas, & Sepp, 2012; Power Africa, 2019). The primary aim of decoupling societies from biomass combustion is reinforced through rigorous
rural electrification priorities because biomass use is more intense in
C. Nabukalu and R. Giere
modern energy. As such, over 70% of people in rural Africa rely on
traditional energy such as charcoal and firewood—this has made scholars
question the readiness of African countries to effectively achieve Goal 7
on energy access and Goal 13 on climate action (Nalule, 2020).
Several projections into the energy-consumption future of subSaharan Africa indicate that charcoal, among other forms of biomass,
such as firewood, will continue to be a significant source of energy
in households for cooking for a very long time (Owen, van der Plas,
& Sepp, 2012). According to the World Bank (2018), dependence on
this fuel type will continue well into the 2030s. In several African
nations, including Liberia, Uganda, Nigeria, Tanzania, Mozambique and
Kenya, biomass contributes to at least 80% of the energy consumed for
cooking, especially in urban settlements (Alfaro & Jones, 2018; Government of Uganda [GoU], 2015; Okello, O’Connor, & Young, 2001;
Cotton, Kirshner, & Salite, 2019; Ben-Iwo, Manovic, & Longhurst,
2016; Branch & Martiniello, 2018). The U.N. Food and Agricultural
Organization (FAO) also demonstrated that from 1993–2017, Africa
produced the largest annual average amount of charcoal in the world
(24.6 Million tons), corresponding to more than 57% of the total global
production (FAO, 2019).
In many ways, charcoal consumption and the significant dependence
on this fuel has framed the contemporary understanding of energy
in sub-Saharan Africa. For instance, significant side effects of its use,
including indoor air pollution and carbon monoxide poisoning, both
linked to high mortality (Fullerton, Bruce, & Gordon, 2008; de Koning,
Smith, & Last 1985), form the basis for putative notions, such as,
‘energy poverty’ and ‘energy insecurity’, in the development discourse
about the state of energy in the sub-Saharan region (Kaygusuz, 2011;
Khellaf, 2018). In national development plans and regional aspirations
for economic progress, African nations, such as Mozambique, Nigeria,
Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya, have prioritized centralized infrastructures, such as hydropower dams, nuclear and geothermal power plants
for long-term generation and continuous supply of electricity (Africa
Oil and Power, 2018; Cotton, Kirshner, & Salite, 2019; Owen, van der
Plas, & Sepp, 2012; Power Africa, 2019). The primary aim of decoupling societies from biomass combustion is reinforced through rigorous
rural electrification priorities because biomass use is more intense in