184 Alexandros Nikas et al.
tariff (FIT) rates for solar PV plants installed after January 2013. In fact, it was
only the attractive FIT contracts still in effect that sustained the momentum of
solar power growth in 2013, despite the economic recession and the unfavourable changes to the incentive system. The latter, in combination with a freeze on
the receipt and processing of new solar power investment applications between
August 2012 and April 2014 as well as an unexpected shift towards new lignitefired plants, constitute the background to an ever- changing regulatory environment and the consequent caution and mistrust in the policy framework.
Moreover, public perception of climate change and the urgency of the need
to mitigate its impacts also appears to change in a period of economic crisis. In
particular, Greek citizens seem to perceive the problems associated with climate
change as a matter of priority. The vast majority of the Greek people are aware
of environmental problems and, at the break of the recession, considered
climate change as the ultimate global problem (European Commission, 2008).
However, five years later, trends were reversed as poverty and the economic
situation dramatically gained on climate change in terms of prioritisation (European Commission, 2013). At the same time, citizens now appear to have very
low confidence in authorities and big enterprises with regard to their capacity
and willingness to deal with climate change (Papoulis et al., 2015). Uncertain
societal cohesion adds to the already volatile context of Greek efforts towards
energy efficiency and decarbonisation, since a lack of public acceptance could
potentially halt the introduction and diffusion of technically and economically
feasible technological options, as well as the successful implementation of otherwise prominent policy instruments. Especially with regard to enhancing energy
efficiency in the residential and commercial sectors, many of the measures considered depend on behavioural change and rely heavily on initiatives that decision makers, at the small scale, are free to implement or disregard.
Last but certainly not least, Greece also faces challenges and respective
uncertainties in the political and economic areas, with impacts on the energy
front (Doukas et al., 2014). It is a country hit hard by the 2008 crisis, which led
to a cumulative output loss of 30% since the beginning of the recession, 45% of
the population living below the poverty line (when considering a poverty
threshold anchored to 2008 in real terms), and consequent inequality and
decline in average living standards. This has implications for long- lasting societal consequences (Kaplanoglou and Rapanos, 2018). As a result, Greece also
went through significant political instability and is still mired in a crisis of political representation (Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, 2018). A by- product of this
instability was an unexpected approval of the construction of new lignite- fired
power plants, namely Ptolemaida V and Meliti II, of combined capacity of more
than 1 GW (Simoglou et al., 2018), giving rise to doubts about how determined
the Greek government is to actually deliver on its energy and climate
commitments.
Based on these conditions, many critical questions emerge. Will Greece be
politically and financially capable of incentivising near- term advancements and
long- term transitions? Even if this is the case, will citizens have the economic
tariff (FIT) rates for solar PV plants installed after January 2013. In fact, it was
only the attractive FIT contracts still in effect that sustained the momentum of
solar power growth in 2013, despite the economic recession and the unfavourable changes to the incentive system. The latter, in combination with a freeze on
the receipt and processing of new solar power investment applications between
August 2012 and April 2014 as well as an unexpected shift towards new lignitefired plants, constitute the background to an ever- changing regulatory environment and the consequent caution and mistrust in the policy framework.
Moreover, public perception of climate change and the urgency of the need
to mitigate its impacts also appears to change in a period of economic crisis. In
particular, Greek citizens seem to perceive the problems associated with climate
change as a matter of priority. The vast majority of the Greek people are aware
of environmental problems and, at the break of the recession, considered
climate change as the ultimate global problem (European Commission, 2008).
However, five years later, trends were reversed as poverty and the economic
situation dramatically gained on climate change in terms of prioritisation (European Commission, 2013). At the same time, citizens now appear to have very
low confidence in authorities and big enterprises with regard to their capacity
and willingness to deal with climate change (Papoulis et al., 2015). Uncertain
societal cohesion adds to the already volatile context of Greek efforts towards
energy efficiency and decarbonisation, since a lack of public acceptance could
potentially halt the introduction and diffusion of technically and economically
feasible technological options, as well as the successful implementation of otherwise prominent policy instruments. Especially with regard to enhancing energy
efficiency in the residential and commercial sectors, many of the measures considered depend on behavioural change and rely heavily on initiatives that decision makers, at the small scale, are free to implement or disregard.
Last but certainly not least, Greece also faces challenges and respective
uncertainties in the political and economic areas, with impacts on the energy
front (Doukas et al., 2014). It is a country hit hard by the 2008 crisis, which led
to a cumulative output loss of 30% since the beginning of the recession, 45% of
the population living below the poverty line (when considering a poverty
threshold anchored to 2008 in real terms), and consequent inequality and
decline in average living standards. This has implications for long- lasting societal consequences (Kaplanoglou and Rapanos, 2018). As a result, Greece also
went through significant political instability and is still mired in a crisis of political representation (Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, 2018). A by- product of this
instability was an unexpected approval of the construction of new lignite- fired
power plants, namely Ptolemaida V and Meliti II, of combined capacity of more
than 1 GW (Simoglou et al., 2018), giving rise to doubts about how determined
the Greek government is to actually deliver on its energy and climate
commitments.
Based on these conditions, many critical questions emerge. Will Greece be
politically and financially capable of incentivising near- term advancements and
long- term transitions? Even if this is the case, will citizens have the economic