6.2 Allocation and Access: Analyzing Institutional Performance
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Water access, too, has been a usually overlooked problem in the face of large-scale
feedstock cultivation, particularly in semi-arid regions like Rajasthan, where it has
been promoted. Jatropha, in particular, requires five to ten times more water than
most other feedstock crops per unit of energy yielded (Gerbens-Leenes et al. 2009).
Therefore, its commercial production is suitable only where it can be rain-fed or
irrigated from renewable water sources (Blesgraaf 2009). If not, feedstock cultivation
may deplete subsurface or groundwater used for direct human consumption and
agriculture (Gmunder et al. 2012). Furthermore, if fertilizers and pesticides are used
for the new, high-yielding hybrids of “Jatropha 2.0”, soil and water pollution may
also become an issue (see Achten et al. 2008).
From a food security standpoint, India’s government has all along been careful to
avoid the utilization of edible oils for biodiesel. However, the dependence of many
rural communities on such “wastelands” for local food consumption and traditional
livelihoods has been consistently overlooked (Baka 2014). Moreover, suppose the
cultivation of jatropha or other non-edible perennial crops is made attractive. In that
case, smallholders may easily substitute their food crops and become vulnerable to
private sector decisions, market price volatility, and food insecurity. For instance,
in Tamil Nadu, many smallholders who had been traditionally growing groundnut
substituted it for jatropha and suffered significant economic and social setbacks
(Ariza-Montobbio and Lele 2010). As time shows that feedstock crops generally
need inputs and good-quality soil to produce well, food vs. feedstock competition
seems increasingly likely. Food security issues are not avoided by simply refraining
from using food crops. Instead, reconciling food and fuel production requires careful
consideration of local realities, crop diversity, and strong stakeholder involvement.
Agroforestry systems with oil-bearing trees such as pongamia have shown promise
in parts of India, notably in Karnataka, but on a country level such strategies remain
the exception rather than the rule (Bohra et al. 2018; Dalemans et al. 2018).
Finally, many of India’s rural communities live without modern energy access, yet
biofuel policies have hardly targeted them as beneficiaries. Although energy poverty
always figures highly as a policy rationale for biofuel production in India, policies
generally lack instruments to promote local utilization (see Planning Commission
2003). Instead, by strategic design, all biofuels are blended with oil products and used
by those who already have access to energy. The biofuel policy thus perpetuates the
existing inequalities in energy allocation and access, and falsely uses the energy
poverty rationale. Sectors of the Indian Ministry of New and Renewable Energy
have longed recognized biofuels’ potential for local renewable energy consumption.
However, these efforts have experienced limited support both within the government
and from the private sector. It remains an unfulfilled, long-held promise.
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