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I. N. Parker
give offerings (kakes) of food or gifts before embarking on any treks into Waigeo’s
spirit domains (Arnold 2018: 648).
Christian conversion in the 1930s diminished the power of the mambri and mawi,
ensured that the suanggi no longer walked as men during the day, and promoted
interclan unity. Ambel began living in villages near the shore with increased trade and
travel, and aligned with Indonesian government settlement plans, but still maintained
bush houses to avoid gossip and to tend to their inland food gardens. But Christian
conversion did not significantly change pre-existing beliefs about the nonhuman
realm. Almost all Ambel speak about mon spirits who inhabit primary forest, caves,
natural springs or trees. Mon are generally tolerant but sometimes annoyed with
human meddling or inappropriate talk. They are said to cause blindness, crop loss or
drought, illness or animal attack if their area is disrespected. The spatial topography of
mon zones reflects a belief that human–environment relations are inherently unstable:
people’s intentions are opaque, and the surrounding forest is a place of affordance,
but also of danger.
And yet zones of nonhuman entities are associated with increased biodiversity
and species richness. In the sea, they encompass habitats of the Indonesian speckled
carpetshark (Hemiscyllium freycineti), juvenile blacktip reef sharks, eels, mangroves
and saltwater crocodiles. On land, mon areas include New Guinea lowland forest
mosaics with stands of threatened Indonesian eaglewood (Aquilaria Sp.), Moluccan
ironwood (Intsia spp.) and sub-montane forest stands on karst peaks. Sasi mon areas
appear to have positive ecological spillover effects for certain habitats and species,
even if this was not the intended goal. In this sense it aligns with forms of species
and habitat prohibitions such as tapu (Tonga) and fady (Madagascar) (Colding and
Folke 2001; Cinner 2007).
Across the landscape there is a persistent belief among Ambel people that nature
has power in mon areas similar to how Beteo perceive that God has power in sasi
gereja zones. Mon sites, as protected zones, are not only nature preserves but are
anthropomorphized sites of collective memory that communicate their views about
appropriate conduct with the environment to others. For example, behind Kalitoko
village, the Dawa and Nok families speak about a place along the Kakit river which
is a repository of stories and a refuge for nonhuman entities. Despite the lifegiving
and sustaining properties associated with this place, Kakit is also a place of warning.
In one story, two sisters, Lorena and Dubul, became blind when spirits became angry
after they ate a pig hunted from the wrong side of the river (and without permission).
People from Warimak say the sisters remain in large boulders by the river, reminding
others to pay proper respects to the forest spirits.
Conservation groups have supported the expansion of mon zones. In August 2012,
CI, the Raja Ampat government and members of the Ma’ya customary council (dewan
adat) declared a sasi mon area near Lopintol village (Fig. 14.4). Participants led a
ritual procession to the sea where they left food offerings, and placed tree branches,
clove cigarettes, areca nut, and yellow rice in secret places. Clan elders chanted
special prayers and expressed their desire to safeguard their lands.
I. N. Parker
give offerings (kakes) of food or gifts before embarking on any treks into Waigeo’s
spirit domains (Arnold 2018: 648).
Christian conversion in the 1930s diminished the power of the mambri and mawi,
ensured that the suanggi no longer walked as men during the day, and promoted
interclan unity. Ambel began living in villages near the shore with increased trade and
travel, and aligned with Indonesian government settlement plans, but still maintained
bush houses to avoid gossip and to tend to their inland food gardens. But Christian
conversion did not significantly change pre-existing beliefs about the nonhuman
realm. Almost all Ambel speak about mon spirits who inhabit primary forest, caves,
natural springs or trees. Mon are generally tolerant but sometimes annoyed with
human meddling or inappropriate talk. They are said to cause blindness, crop loss or
drought, illness or animal attack if their area is disrespected. The spatial topography of
mon zones reflects a belief that human–environment relations are inherently unstable:
people’s intentions are opaque, and the surrounding forest is a place of affordance,
but also of danger.
And yet zones of nonhuman entities are associated with increased biodiversity
and species richness. In the sea, they encompass habitats of the Indonesian speckled
carpetshark (Hemiscyllium freycineti), juvenile blacktip reef sharks, eels, mangroves
and saltwater crocodiles. On land, mon areas include New Guinea lowland forest
mosaics with stands of threatened Indonesian eaglewood (Aquilaria Sp.), Moluccan
ironwood (Intsia spp.) and sub-montane forest stands on karst peaks. Sasi mon areas
appear to have positive ecological spillover effects for certain habitats and species,
even if this was not the intended goal. In this sense it aligns with forms of species
and habitat prohibitions such as tapu (Tonga) and fady (Madagascar) (Colding and
Folke 2001; Cinner 2007).
Across the landscape there is a persistent belief among Ambel people that nature
has power in mon areas similar to how Beteo perceive that God has power in sasi
gereja zones. Mon sites, as protected zones, are not only nature preserves but are
anthropomorphized sites of collective memory that communicate their views about
appropriate conduct with the environment to others. For example, behind Kalitoko
village, the Dawa and Nok families speak about a place along the Kakit river which
is a repository of stories and a refuge for nonhuman entities. Despite the lifegiving
and sustaining properties associated with this place, Kakit is also a place of warning.
In one story, two sisters, Lorena and Dubul, became blind when spirits became angry
after they ate a pig hunted from the wrong side of the river (and without permission).
People from Warimak say the sisters remain in large boulders by the river, reminding
others to pay proper respects to the forest spirits.
Conservation groups have supported the expansion of mon zones. In August 2012,
CI, the Raja Ampat government and members of the Ma’ya customary council (dewan
adat) declared a sasi mon area near Lopintol village (Fig. 14.4). Participants led a
ritual procession to the sea where they left food offerings, and placed tree branches,
clove cigarettes, areca nut, and yellow rice in secret places. Clan elders chanted
special prayers and expressed their desire to safeguard their lands.