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I. N. Parker
of sasi, their origins in clan history, their connections to external conservation efforts
and recent successes.
Near Waigeo, sasi takes the form of spatial boundaries and seasonal restrictions
on harvesting marine animals such as sea cucumbers and lobster, sago or coconut
(Hviding 1996; Thorburn 2000). Some ritually closed zones aim to ensure adequate
supplies of prestige foods, commercial shell (Tectus niloticus) for sale abroad, while
other areas are for subsistence fishing or gathering. Most harvest closures follow a
seasonal pattern of winds, tides or ceremonial events. These restrictions also prohibit
the use of compressors, commercial-scale nets and large vessels while permitting
wooden spears, hand nets, paddle canoes and diving glasses. Sasi also incorporates
specific norms for engaging in appropriate ethical action to protected areas or species.
Breaking the rules will lead to sanctions, illness or death from divine retribution or
enraged spirits. “Other penalties can be imposed on sasi violators such as reprimands,
monetary fines, confiscation of fishing gear and boats, and exile from the village”
(Boli et al. 2014: 137). Fear of social ostracism, beliefs about sasi as a moral practice,
and goals for improved biological targets have contributed to its effectiveness.
In addition to Christian-oriented conservation, sacred sites throughout Ma’yalibit
Bay on Waigeo Island are associated with the protection of nonhuman domains. These
places, named for the spirit entities (mon) or ancestors who inhabit them, are different
from Church sasi, but are important buffer zones that support several threatened
species and habitats. Among the Ambel, each kin network (gelet) is responsible for
managing ecological resources as well as nonhuman forces within its domain. People
perceive the landscape as places of stories, sacred sites (Indo: pamali), guardian
spirits (Ambel: mútum), malevolent forces (Ambel: kábyo) and cannibal witches
(suanggi). A Ma’ya conservation adviser said that mon sites are “good in terms of
ecology, because people never go [there], so there are more animals and fish there.
Forest people leave those places alone.” If not, nature responds. For example, if
a person enters Kabui Bay near Kaliraja—a place the Ma’ya consider their origin
source—without giving adequate respect, “great winds will blow anyone who arrives
off course.”
6
The various types of ecological stewardship currently practiced in Raja Ampat
can be viewed as examples of traditional ecological knowledge: locally meaningful
practices of environmental management maintained through stories and authority
figures and memory (Berkes et al. 2000). Yet if they are tokens of indigenous ecologies, they also represent reinventions or adaptations of socio-ecological knowledge
practices rather than examples of practices that are distinct from larger-scale initiatives overseen by NGOs or state agencies. And just like these other endeavors, Raja
Ampat conservation practices involve politics and conflict over land rights claims,
access and control. I the sections below, I consider in more detail the two sorts of
sasi: sasi gereja and sasi mon.
6 Conversation with Yohanes Gaman, Yayasan Nazaret, Sorong, West Papua, August, 2012.
I. N. Parker
of sasi, their origins in clan history, their connections to external conservation efforts
and recent successes.
Near Waigeo, sasi takes the form of spatial boundaries and seasonal restrictions
on harvesting marine animals such as sea cucumbers and lobster, sago or coconut
(Hviding 1996; Thorburn 2000). Some ritually closed zones aim to ensure adequate
supplies of prestige foods, commercial shell (Tectus niloticus) for sale abroad, while
other areas are for subsistence fishing or gathering. Most harvest closures follow a
seasonal pattern of winds, tides or ceremonial events. These restrictions also prohibit
the use of compressors, commercial-scale nets and large vessels while permitting
wooden spears, hand nets, paddle canoes and diving glasses. Sasi also incorporates
specific norms for engaging in appropriate ethical action to protected areas or species.
Breaking the rules will lead to sanctions, illness or death from divine retribution or
enraged spirits. “Other penalties can be imposed on sasi violators such as reprimands,
monetary fines, confiscation of fishing gear and boats, and exile from the village”
(Boli et al. 2014: 137). Fear of social ostracism, beliefs about sasi as a moral practice,
and goals for improved biological targets have contributed to its effectiveness.
In addition to Christian-oriented conservation, sacred sites throughout Ma’yalibit
Bay on Waigeo Island are associated with the protection of nonhuman domains. These
places, named for the spirit entities (mon) or ancestors who inhabit them, are different
from Church sasi, but are important buffer zones that support several threatened
species and habitats. Among the Ambel, each kin network (gelet) is responsible for
managing ecological resources as well as nonhuman forces within its domain. People
perceive the landscape as places of stories, sacred sites (Indo: pamali), guardian
spirits (Ambel: mútum), malevolent forces (Ambel: kábyo) and cannibal witches
(suanggi). A Ma’ya conservation adviser said that mon sites are “good in terms of
ecology, because people never go [there], so there are more animals and fish there.
Forest people leave those places alone.” If not, nature responds. For example, if
a person enters Kabui Bay near Kaliraja—a place the Ma’ya consider their origin
source—without giving adequate respect, “great winds will blow anyone who arrives
off course.”
6
The various types of ecological stewardship currently practiced in Raja Ampat
can be viewed as examples of traditional ecological knowledge: locally meaningful
practices of environmental management maintained through stories and authority
figures and memory (Berkes et al. 2000). Yet if they are tokens of indigenous ecologies, they also represent reinventions or adaptations of socio-ecological knowledge
practices rather than examples of practices that are distinct from larger-scale initiatives overseen by NGOs or state agencies. And just like these other endeavors, Raja
Ampat conservation practices involve politics and conflict over land rights claims,
access and control. I the sections below, I consider in more detail the two sorts of
sasi: sasi gereja and sasi mon.
6 Conversation with Yohanes Gaman, Yayasan Nazaret, Sorong, West Papua, August, 2012.