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be “custodians of the environment”, and women’s groups promote sustainable activities such as the management of waste, back-yard gardening and mangrove planting
(Kim 2020, p. 148). And in the aftermath of Cyclone Winston in 2016, women in
rural communities of Fiji were significantly involved in the rebuilding of their homes,
while also attending to the needs of families (Charan et al. 2016).
However, women are also exposed to high risks of gender-based violence during
disasters. Families often spend lengthy periods in evacuation centres where living
conditions are poor, providing no privacy for couples and families. A study conducted
by UN Women in 2012 on gender and gender-based violence during two floods in
the Western Division of Fiji underlined the significant roles women played during
both events. It described how women’s role in food preparation for their families in
the mornings enabled them to observe and identify signs of flooding through the rise
in the level of the river located next to their homes so they were able to warn their
families ahead of time before the event took place. But the report also discussed the
exacerbated gender-based violence many women experienced during these disasters.
Women were for example forced into sex by their husbands, despite their reluctance
due to overcrowding and lack of privacy in the evacuation centres (UN Women 2012).
Despite women’s significant role in disaster management and recovery, there is
still limited research on this topic. Charan et al. (2016) criticize the lack of research
on gender and DRR and climate change in the Pacific, including perspectives and
responses before, during, and after intense cyclones in Fiji, a point also made by
Nakamura and Kanemasu (2020). Clissold et al. (2020) emphasize that detailed
research is required into women’s experiences of post-disaster recovery, reconstruction and resilience. Similarly, Kopf et al. (2020) point to the need for more research
on the relations between gender roles and power dynamics in households and how
they affect women’s exposure to natural disasters.
In Fiji, in addition to their household chores, Fijian women work in gardens,
fish for household consumption, and sell fish to contribute to household income
(Yabaki 2006, p. 188; Ram-Bidesi 2015). Noting the concept of the “triple burden”
of women’s reproductive, productive and community roles, Meo-Sewabu (2016)
emphasizes that managing these complex roles and responsibilities is part of women’s
everyday life. This contributes to the strategic needs of families and the community. It
is therefore empowering. Women are not “passive victims” but rather “active agents
of change”. This is borne out by the following ethnography.
Tokou—A Catholic Village on Ovalau
Ovalau island in Lomaiviti Province, central Fiji, is accessible by ferry from the main
island and has a small domestic airport; it lies 60 kilometres from the capital of Suva.
It has 24 villages and a population of around 9,100 (Map 1).
Tokou is located along the east coast, five kilometres or a 10-minute drive from
Levuka, the old capital of Fiji. The population of Tokou in the second quarter of 2019
was 448 people, comprising 217 females and 231 males in 76 households. At the
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