The Struggle for Digital Freedom of Speech
57
The intention behind circulation of the photograph was clear: it was an attempt at
rupturing relations between PR ’ s component non-Muslim and Muslim parties.
62
Post-2008 by-elections have seen PR, BN, and independent political bloggers all
establish event-specifi c blogs.
63 These blogs exist for a limited period of time but are
updated very regularly for that short campaigning period leading to the by-election.
Blogs affi liated with PR and BN post comprehensive information on their offl ine
schedules and event venues, while their independent counterparts tend to provide
neutral commentary on the candidates. Recently, Malaysiakini reported unconfi rmed
rumors of a BN-cybertrooper fund, valued at MYR 10 million (almost USD 3.3 million),
reserved for an upcoming Sarawak state election.
64 BN has unequivocally adopted an
antipodal position to Internet campaigning and the “ trustworthiness ” of blogs in the
years since its dismissive and ultimately costly stance in 2008.
Conclusion
The battle for control of Malaysian cyber-informational space is far from over, and its
lines have shifted dramatically since the 2008 general elections. By contrast to the
pre-2008 identifi cation of online activism with civil society or PR, there is now a
perceived three-way cleavage in the Malaysian sociopolitical blogosphere between BN
supporters, PR supporters, and independent commentators. However, even so-called
BN-affi liated bloggers have not escaped the government ’ s heavy-handed reliance on
existing laws criminalizing sedition or “ offensive content. ” One explanation for NAB ’ s
reformation as BfM on thinner grounds of commonality lies in the inadequacy of
political affi nity as a shield from governmental persecution. Both PR-controlled state
governments and BN ’ s federal administration have fi led numerous MCMC complaints
against bloggers, regardless of political identity.
The recent surge of third-generation controls against the Malaysian sociopolitical
blogosphere suggests two emerging patterns. First, there is a growing governmental
preference for covert, subtle, and mostly nonlinear forms of general Internet regulatory
controls in Malaysia. Although detention of Malaysian bloggers has ceased since 2008,
there has been a less-publicized exponential increase in the number of MCMC proceedings against bloggers and independent news portals.
65 I consider MCMC action
to be a subtler, albeit linear, form of control because its reasons for action are not
necessarily traceable to the state — it is statutorily empowered to act on its own initiative or on receipt of complaints from individuals.
66 Further, this general movement is
also refl ected by the shift in the type of technical attacks launched against blogs and
independent news portals. Following public outcry against the 2008 DNS block on
Malaysia Today, all subsequent denial-of-access incidents affecting blogs and portals
have been DDoS attacks. Because it is nearly impossible to trace the source of these
attacks, blame cannot be attached to the state with any certainty.
57
The intention behind circulation of the photograph was clear: it was an attempt at
rupturing relations between PR ’ s component non-Muslim and Muslim parties.
62
Post-2008 by-elections have seen PR, BN, and independent political bloggers all
establish event-specifi c blogs.
63 These blogs exist for a limited period of time but are
updated very regularly for that short campaigning period leading to the by-election.
Blogs affi liated with PR and BN post comprehensive information on their offl ine
schedules and event venues, while their independent counterparts tend to provide
neutral commentary on the candidates. Recently, Malaysiakini reported unconfi rmed
rumors of a BN-cybertrooper fund, valued at MYR 10 million (almost USD 3.3 million),
reserved for an upcoming Sarawak state election.
64 BN has unequivocally adopted an
antipodal position to Internet campaigning and the “ trustworthiness ” of blogs in the
years since its dismissive and ultimately costly stance in 2008.
Conclusion
The battle for control of Malaysian cyber-informational space is far from over, and its
lines have shifted dramatically since the 2008 general elections. By contrast to the
pre-2008 identifi cation of online activism with civil society or PR, there is now a
perceived three-way cleavage in the Malaysian sociopolitical blogosphere between BN
supporters, PR supporters, and independent commentators. However, even so-called
BN-affi liated bloggers have not escaped the government ’ s heavy-handed reliance on
existing laws criminalizing sedition or “ offensive content. ” One explanation for NAB ’ s
reformation as BfM on thinner grounds of commonality lies in the inadequacy of
political affi nity as a shield from governmental persecution. Both PR-controlled state
governments and BN ’ s federal administration have fi led numerous MCMC complaints
against bloggers, regardless of political identity.
The recent surge of third-generation controls against the Malaysian sociopolitical
blogosphere suggests two emerging patterns. First, there is a growing governmental
preference for covert, subtle, and mostly nonlinear forms of general Internet regulatory
controls in Malaysia. Although detention of Malaysian bloggers has ceased since 2008,
there has been a less-publicized exponential increase in the number of MCMC proceedings against bloggers and independent news portals.
65 I consider MCMC action
to be a subtler, albeit linear, form of control because its reasons for action are not
necessarily traceable to the state — it is statutorily empowered to act on its own initiative or on receipt of complaints from individuals.
66 Further, this general movement is
also refl ected by the shift in the type of technical attacks launched against blogs and
independent news portals. Following public outcry against the 2008 DNS block on
Malaysia Today, all subsequent denial-of-access incidents affecting blogs and portals
have been DDoS attacks. Because it is nearly impossible to trace the source of these
attacks, blame cannot be attached to the state with any certainty.