ONI Country Profi le
279
China ’ s dynamic system of Internet control is demonstrated by the rise of “ just-intime ” fi ltering during key events. The 2009 violent protests between Uighur and Han
residents of Urumqi saw Internet access in the Xinjiang autonomous region cut after
videos and images of the protests spread online.
65 The 2010 awarding of the Nobel
Peace Prize to activist Liu Xiaobo led to the blocking of sensitive keywords in search
engines, blogging sites, and SMS text messages.
66 Notable anniversaries of sensitive
events are a frequent target of fi ltering, including the 60th anniversary of the founding
of the PRC,
67 the 20th anniversary of Tiananmen,
68 and the fi rst anniversary of the
2008 Tibetan protests.
69 Such fi ltering has not been limited to domestic events — key
Internet portals Sina.com and Netease.com blocked keyword searches of “ Egypt ”
during that country ’ s unrest in early 2011.
70
The combination of rigorous technical fi ltering mechanisms and content providers ’
self-policing can often lead to self-censorship, with users unwilling to risk posting
controversial content. Organizations like the China Internet Illegal Information
Reporting Center (CIIRC), ostensibly a civil society organization, encourage the reporting of “ illegal and harmful information ” and send information about illegal content
to the Ministry of Public Security.
71 As a result, commercial Web sites can elect to
prevent the posting of controversial material rather than risk negative consequences
later.
72 The pervasiveness of fi ltering at Internet caf é s, a common method of access for
many, means caf é s are generally avoided for discussing sensitive topics online.
73
Further, many users have long assumed surveillance of communication tools like
TOM-Skype,
74 thus discouraging their use.
75
Legal and Regulatory Frameworks
The legal and regulatory frameworks that underpin China ’ s Internet landscape are
shaped by the PRC ’ s desire to develop the Internet as a driver of the national economy
while maintaining “ state security and social harmony, state sovereignty and dignity,
and the basic interests of the people. ”
76
According to the June 2010 White Paper on Internet Policy, “ The government has
a basic policy regarding the Internet: active use, scientifi c development, law-based
administration and ensured security. The Chinese government has from the outset
abided by law-based administration of the Internet, and endeavored to create a healthy
and harmonious Internet environment, and build an Internet that is more reliable,
useful, and conducive to economic and social development. ”
77
Regulations prohibit citizens from disseminating or accessing online content
deemed subversive or harmful by the state. Laws and regulations that control online
content distribute criminal and fi nancial liability, licensing and registration requirements, and self-monitoring instructions to people at every stage of access — from the
ISP to the Internet content provider to the end user.
279
China ’ s dynamic system of Internet control is demonstrated by the rise of “ just-intime ” fi ltering during key events. The 2009 violent protests between Uighur and Han
residents of Urumqi saw Internet access in the Xinjiang autonomous region cut after
videos and images of the protests spread online.
65 The 2010 awarding of the Nobel
Peace Prize to activist Liu Xiaobo led to the blocking of sensitive keywords in search
engines, blogging sites, and SMS text messages.
66 Notable anniversaries of sensitive
events are a frequent target of fi ltering, including the 60th anniversary of the founding
of the PRC,
67 the 20th anniversary of Tiananmen,
68 and the fi rst anniversary of the
2008 Tibetan protests.
69 Such fi ltering has not been limited to domestic events — key
Internet portals Sina.com and Netease.com blocked keyword searches of “ Egypt ”
during that country ’ s unrest in early 2011.
70
The combination of rigorous technical fi ltering mechanisms and content providers ’
self-policing can often lead to self-censorship, with users unwilling to risk posting
controversial content. Organizations like the China Internet Illegal Information
Reporting Center (CIIRC), ostensibly a civil society organization, encourage the reporting of “ illegal and harmful information ” and send information about illegal content
to the Ministry of Public Security.
71 As a result, commercial Web sites can elect to
prevent the posting of controversial material rather than risk negative consequences
later.
72 The pervasiveness of fi ltering at Internet caf é s, a common method of access for
many, means caf é s are generally avoided for discussing sensitive topics online.
73
Further, many users have long assumed surveillance of communication tools like
TOM-Skype,
74 thus discouraging their use.
75
Legal and Regulatory Frameworks
The legal and regulatory frameworks that underpin China ’ s Internet landscape are
shaped by the PRC ’ s desire to develop the Internet as a driver of the national economy
while maintaining “ state security and social harmony, state sovereignty and dignity,
and the basic interests of the people. ”
76
According to the June 2010 White Paper on Internet Policy, “ The government has
a basic policy regarding the Internet: active use, scientifi c development, law-based
administration and ensured security. The Chinese government has from the outset
abided by law-based administration of the Internet, and endeavored to create a healthy
and harmonious Internet environment, and build an Internet that is more reliable,
useful, and conducive to economic and social development. ”
77
Regulations prohibit citizens from disseminating or accessing online content
deemed subversive or harmful by the state. Laws and regulations that control online
content distribute criminal and fi nancial liability, licensing and registration requirements, and self-monitoring instructions to people at every stage of access — from the
ISP to the Internet content provider to the end user.