420
T. L. Cruz
negatively and significantly affect both trust (β = − 007; p-value = 0.009) and
tolerance and support (β = − 0.09; p-value = 0.0019). Cruz et al. (2020) noticed
higher negative influences of environmental impacts on both trust and acceptance
and approval.
In the present study, most interviewees were already familiar with the new mining
project, the largest one in the world. It is eco-friendly and less-pollutant, therefore
people manifested less environmental worries. Nevertheless, environmental concerns
still have stronger influences on tolerance and support than economic impacts, which
some respondents attributed to government at local and national levels.
The Samarco’s tragedy in 2019 may have influenced the low SLO levels in the
Carajás region, as 75% of the respondents spontaneously commented about the
disaster during the survey and manifested their fears. Trust in the adequate management of tailings dams and environmental impacts was found to be very weak among
the interviewees. It confirms the relevance of cross-scale effects, events in other
locations or in the past, which significantly influences the SLO locally (Prno and
Slocombe 2014).
After Samarco’s disaster, local politicians were invited to visit other mines and
dams to check their safety. Demajorovic et al. (2019) consider such strategy as a
means to use companies’ public relations tools to enhance their trust and minimize
potential risks (Meester and Behagel 2017).
Mining companies in Parauapebas and Canaã dos Carajás clearly adopt a paternalist approach to CSR, providing sporadic social benefits in the short-term and
engaging with selected social leaders.
However, Hoelscher and Rustad (2019) demonstrated that mining companies’
paternalist and philanthropic approach to CSR has deleterious effects in the longterm, as it exacerbates social conflicts and grievances, and perpetuates underdevelopment by increasing dependence on mining industry. Hoelscher and Rustad’s (2019)
depicted the history of mining development in Barcarena (Pará, Brazil), but the narrative is very similar to the historical development of mining industry in Parauapebas
and Canaã dos Carajás, according to some interviewees’ spontaneous comments:
“Vale’s engagement with local communities was patriarchal, reflecting paternalistic modes
of company–community relations of the time. 43 Vale used a ‘company town’ model, developing planned facilities for workers and their families close to refineries at Villa dos Cubanos,
leaving the rest of the municipality underdeveloped. Alongside the town with companyprovisioned housing, roads, lighting, water and sanitation, informal communities sprung up
to house those who arrived hoping to find work. Despite this inequality, Vale was generally
viewed rather positively as they provided many services in the region in lieu of the local
government. Reflective of Brazil’s history of philanthropic approaches to CSR, Vale’s paternalism was inherent in how the company cultivated goodwill – and soothed dissent – by
intermittently supporting discretionary investments. Vale strategically used relatively small
investments in social projects to engender support from communities to preserve their SLO
and secure their operations. Close links were maintained with selected community leaders,
and unions were financially supported by Vale to encourage a compliant workforce and
minimise risks of worker strikes or walkouts.
Over time Vale’s approach exacerbated inequality, weakened civil society and created dependence on private industry for local development, with the company becoming the de facto
patron of the community. This ‘reinforc(ed) a cycle of dependency’ between the local
T. L. Cruz
negatively and significantly affect both trust (β = − 007; p-value = 0.009) and
tolerance and support (β = − 0.09; p-value = 0.0019). Cruz et al. (2020) noticed
higher negative influences of environmental impacts on both trust and acceptance
and approval.
In the present study, most interviewees were already familiar with the new mining
project, the largest one in the world. It is eco-friendly and less-pollutant, therefore
people manifested less environmental worries. Nevertheless, environmental concerns
still have stronger influences on tolerance and support than economic impacts, which
some respondents attributed to government at local and national levels.
The Samarco’s tragedy in 2019 may have influenced the low SLO levels in the
Carajás region, as 75% of the respondents spontaneously commented about the
disaster during the survey and manifested their fears. Trust in the adequate management of tailings dams and environmental impacts was found to be very weak among
the interviewees. It confirms the relevance of cross-scale effects, events in other
locations or in the past, which significantly influences the SLO locally (Prno and
Slocombe 2014).
After Samarco’s disaster, local politicians were invited to visit other mines and
dams to check their safety. Demajorovic et al. (2019) consider such strategy as a
means to use companies’ public relations tools to enhance their trust and minimize
potential risks (Meester and Behagel 2017).
Mining companies in Parauapebas and Canaã dos Carajás clearly adopt a paternalist approach to CSR, providing sporadic social benefits in the short-term and
engaging with selected social leaders.
However, Hoelscher and Rustad (2019) demonstrated that mining companies’
paternalist and philanthropic approach to CSR has deleterious effects in the longterm, as it exacerbates social conflicts and grievances, and perpetuates underdevelopment by increasing dependence on mining industry. Hoelscher and Rustad’s (2019)
depicted the history of mining development in Barcarena (Pará, Brazil), but the narrative is very similar to the historical development of mining industry in Parauapebas
and Canaã dos Carajás, according to some interviewees’ spontaneous comments:
“Vale’s engagement with local communities was patriarchal, reflecting paternalistic modes
of company–community relations of the time. 43 Vale used a ‘company town’ model, developing planned facilities for workers and their families close to refineries at Villa dos Cubanos,
leaving the rest of the municipality underdeveloped. Alongside the town with companyprovisioned housing, roads, lighting, water and sanitation, informal communities sprung up
to house those who arrived hoping to find work. Despite this inequality, Vale was generally
viewed rather positively as they provided many services in the region in lieu of the local
government. Reflective of Brazil’s history of philanthropic approaches to CSR, Vale’s paternalism was inherent in how the company cultivated goodwill – and soothed dissent – by
intermittently supporting discretionary investments. Vale strategically used relatively small
investments in social projects to engender support from communities to preserve their SLO
and secure their operations. Close links were maintained with selected community leaders,
and unions were financially supported by Vale to encourage a compliant workforce and
minimise risks of worker strikes or walkouts.
Over time Vale’s approach exacerbated inequality, weakened civil society and created dependence on private industry for local development, with the company becoming the de facto
patron of the community. This ‘reinforc(ed) a cycle of dependency’ between the local