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C. L. Strapazzon and C. B. Wandscheer
dation. The output of the previous three cycles of development was now unveiled:
Brazil has managed to be an exemplary underdeveloped country. As said earlier, the
worst of the “third world” and the best of the first ones came together in dialectical
pairing to shape the so-called “underdevelopment scenario” (Furtado 1995, 2013).
Even though the vocabulary adopted by the World Bank and neoliberal economic
theories recommended to classify Brazil as a developing society (World Bank 1978),
in the fact, after 11 national development plans and half of a century raising discontinuous and asymmetric experiences, at the early of 1990s Brazil actually was what
it could be: an uneven mix of the worst and the best of the contemporary capitalism;
of the worst of anti-Republican practices and the best of democratic will.
The fourth development cycle began in 1988. National development, once a pure
initiative of governments, became a constitutional principle for the State. Now, the
issue of development has become legally binding for local, regional as well as national
governments. As for the formal aspects, the new Constitution set up three new institutions: the Multi-Year Plan (PPA)
9 along with the Budget Guidelines Law (LDO)
10 ;
it has also separated annual budgets in three parts: Fiscal budget, Social Security budget and Investment of the State budget.
11 From now onwards, the same law which set
up the federal Multi-Year Plan (PPP) will likewise establish development regional
guidelines. Thus, within the new constitutional and democratic landscape, governments are obliged by the Constitution to design plans for development. Following this
new perspective, 8 of such plans have already been launched: PPA 1991–1995; PPA
1996–1998-Brazil in action; PPA 2000–2003-Advances Brazil, PPA 2004–2007-A
better Brazil, PPA 2008–2011, PPA 2012–2015-The great transformation; and PPA
2016–2019. All of this represented an important step forward for public debate and,
apparently, for development.
It is interesting to underline that two years before the Constitution to be enacted,
in 1986, United Nations had published the Declaration on the Right to Development,
which recognizes it as a legitimate human right. Brazil has not gone that far, but
somewhat has followed the trend of strengthening the legal status of development.
After all, it was a step forward in relation to the past: national development has
become a fundamental objective of the Republic, along with eradication of poverty
and marginalization and reduction of social and regional inequalities. Economic and
social development now may be seen as narrowly connected.
12,13 Furthermore, it has
also linked development to urban planning
14 as well as did not neglect the relationship
between development and natural environment.
9 Plano Plurianual, see Art. 165, I.
10 Lei de Diretrizes Orçamentárias, see Art. 165, § 1° and § 4°.
11 See Art. 165, § 5°, I, II, III.
12 An example: Article 165 § 7: Budgets (fiscal and social security must be)… compatible with the
multi-annual plan, (e) will have among their functions to reduce interregional inequalities, according
to population criteria.
13 An example: Article 170. The economic order… shall observe the following principles: VII—
reduction of regional and social inequalities.
14 Art. 182: The policy of urban development… aims to order the full development of the social
functions of the city and guarantee the well-being of its inhabitants.
C. L. Strapazzon and C. B. Wandscheer
dation. The output of the previous three cycles of development was now unveiled:
Brazil has managed to be an exemplary underdeveloped country. As said earlier, the
worst of the “third world” and the best of the first ones came together in dialectical
pairing to shape the so-called “underdevelopment scenario” (Furtado 1995, 2013).
Even though the vocabulary adopted by the World Bank and neoliberal economic
theories recommended to classify Brazil as a developing society (World Bank 1978),
in the fact, after 11 national development plans and half of a century raising discontinuous and asymmetric experiences, at the early of 1990s Brazil actually was what
it could be: an uneven mix of the worst and the best of the contemporary capitalism;
of the worst of anti-Republican practices and the best of democratic will.
The fourth development cycle began in 1988. National development, once a pure
initiative of governments, became a constitutional principle for the State. Now, the
issue of development has become legally binding for local, regional as well as national
governments. As for the formal aspects, the new Constitution set up three new institutions: the Multi-Year Plan (PPA)
9 along with the Budget Guidelines Law (LDO)
10 ;
it has also separated annual budgets in three parts: Fiscal budget, Social Security budget and Investment of the State budget.
11 From now onwards, the same law which set
up the federal Multi-Year Plan (PPP) will likewise establish development regional
guidelines. Thus, within the new constitutional and democratic landscape, governments are obliged by the Constitution to design plans for development. Following this
new perspective, 8 of such plans have already been launched: PPA 1991–1995; PPA
1996–1998-Brazil in action; PPA 2000–2003-Advances Brazil, PPA 2004–2007-A
better Brazil, PPA 2008–2011, PPA 2012–2015-The great transformation; and PPA
2016–2019. All of this represented an important step forward for public debate and,
apparently, for development.
It is interesting to underline that two years before the Constitution to be enacted,
in 1986, United Nations had published the Declaration on the Right to Development,
which recognizes it as a legitimate human right. Brazil has not gone that far, but
somewhat has followed the trend of strengthening the legal status of development.
After all, it was a step forward in relation to the past: national development has
become a fundamental objective of the Republic, along with eradication of poverty
and marginalization and reduction of social and regional inequalities. Economic and
social development now may be seen as narrowly connected.
12,13 Furthermore, it has
also linked development to urban planning
14 as well as did not neglect the relationship
between development and natural environment.
9 Plano Plurianual, see Art. 165, I.
10 Lei de Diretrizes Orçamentárias, see Art. 165, § 1° and § 4°.
11 See Art. 165, § 5°, I, II, III.
12 An example: Article 165 § 7: Budgets (fiscal and social security must be)… compatible with the
multi-annual plan, (e) will have among their functions to reduce interregional inequalities, according
to population criteria.
13 An example: Article 170. The economic order… shall observe the following principles: VII—
reduction of regional and social inequalities.
14 Art. 182: The policy of urban development… aims to order the full development of the social
functions of the city and guarantee the well-being of its inhabitants.