Roots, relevance, aims and values
21
adopted by many governments, especially in newly
democratic nations. This helps explain why national
parks vary so much between countries in size, scope,
the nature(s) they conserve and their value for biodiversity conservation.
For example, in the USA the goal was to use national
parks to capture the grandeur and sense of a pristine
nature present in landscapes such as the Rocky
Mountains. The creation of Yosemite, Glacier and
other national parks, after intense lobbying by the
Sierra Club and similar organizations, was instrumental in building national pride and cultural identity in a
country still trying to throw off the yoke of British
colonialism. In contrast, the ‘ political ’ purpose of
national parks in the UK might be regarded as part of
a project to help redefi ne and renew national identity
after the collapse of empire. Accordingly, these parks
were initially created in cultural landscapes close to
urban centres, such as the English Lake District and
Yorkshire Dales.
The national parks model has also been exported
to the developing world. However, once again the
manifestation of the parks has been altered to fi t
with the political ideals of countries struggling to
cement their position in an increasingly globalized
world. For example, in countries such as Indonesia
and Madagascar, national parks have been used as
important symbols of governmental commitment
to the international agenda of reducing biodiversity
loss, promoting sustainable development and empowering local communities (Jepson & Ladle, 2010 ).
Conservation NGOs have strongly endorsed and promoted the national parks concept in such developing
countries because these typically cover larger areas
than other reserve types, and also because governments may feel a greater duty to protect and manage
them. Furthermore, the governments of the developing countries gain a tangible benefi t from designating
new national parks, because such acts project a favourable international image, attract international funding
and may have the added bonus of strengthening
central state control over remote areas.
National parks certainly appear to have an enduring
appeal to ambitious politicians and they are still
growing in number, especially across the developing
world. As recently as 2002, President Omar Bongo
Ondimba of Gabon pledged to create a network of 13
national parks comprising ten per cent of the country ’ s
land cover.
from 1908 to 1913, pitted Muir and his followers
against Pinchot and his wise - use philosophy. Muir
and the ‘ preservationists ’ adopted a deeply religious
rhetoric and imagery in support of their cause. This
reinforced the ethos of the 19th century cultural movement and gave shape and popular meaning to a core
social value, which can be summarized by the notion
that landscapes evoking wilderness should be preserved as a benchmark from which to assess urban/
industrial modernity and as places for spiritual, aesthetic and physical exploration and rejuvenation.
The Sierra Club, together with Aldo Leopold ’ s
Wilderness Society (founded in 1935), helped defi ne
wilderness areas as a signifi cant part of the American
heritage. Their efforts culminated with the signing of
the US Wilderness Act in 1964 by President Lyndon
Johnson. At a stroke this led to the designation of
37,000 km
2 of national forest as wilderness areas,
with a wilderness defi ned in the Act as ‘ … an area
where the earth and its community of life are untrammelled by man, where man himself is a visitor who
does not remain ’ . As America ’ s overseas infl uence
increased during the latter half of the 20th century,
notions of wilderness strongly infl uenced the identifi -
cation and designation of protected areas around the
world.
Strict nature reserves have some similarities with
wilderness areas, although their origins are somewhat
different. This category of reserve was invented by
colonial powers negotiating the 1933 convention on
African wildlife to accommodate Belgian and French
views that tourism (as promoted by the British and US)
was incompatible with preserving nature in a natural
state. As such, this type of reserve is clearly closely
related to the underlying philosophy of wilderness
reserves as they were originally conceived.
2.2.7 National p arks
The term ‘ national park ’ is probably the most widely
recognized category of protected area, yet the underlying purpose is not clearly evident from the term itself.
This may be because national parks often appear to
represent the merger of conservation goals with efforts
to create or reinvigorate a sense of national identity
(Jepson & Ladle, 2010 ). Many national parks started
off as wildlife sanctuaries or nature monuments and
were part of a conscious strategy of ‘ nation building ’
21
adopted by many governments, especially in newly
democratic nations. This helps explain why national
parks vary so much between countries in size, scope,
the nature(s) they conserve and their value for biodiversity conservation.
For example, in the USA the goal was to use national
parks to capture the grandeur and sense of a pristine
nature present in landscapes such as the Rocky
Mountains. The creation of Yosemite, Glacier and
other national parks, after intense lobbying by the
Sierra Club and similar organizations, was instrumental in building national pride and cultural identity in a
country still trying to throw off the yoke of British
colonialism. In contrast, the ‘ political ’ purpose of
national parks in the UK might be regarded as part of
a project to help redefi ne and renew national identity
after the collapse of empire. Accordingly, these parks
were initially created in cultural landscapes close to
urban centres, such as the English Lake District and
Yorkshire Dales.
The national parks model has also been exported
to the developing world. However, once again the
manifestation of the parks has been altered to fi t
with the political ideals of countries struggling to
cement their position in an increasingly globalized
world. For example, in countries such as Indonesia
and Madagascar, national parks have been used as
important symbols of governmental commitment
to the international agenda of reducing biodiversity
loss, promoting sustainable development and empowering local communities (Jepson & Ladle, 2010 ).
Conservation NGOs have strongly endorsed and promoted the national parks concept in such developing
countries because these typically cover larger areas
than other reserve types, and also because governments may feel a greater duty to protect and manage
them. Furthermore, the governments of the developing countries gain a tangible benefi t from designating
new national parks, because such acts project a favourable international image, attract international funding
and may have the added bonus of strengthening
central state control over remote areas.
National parks certainly appear to have an enduring
appeal to ambitious politicians and they are still
growing in number, especially across the developing
world. As recently as 2002, President Omar Bongo
Ondimba of Gabon pledged to create a network of 13
national parks comprising ten per cent of the country ’ s
land cover.
from 1908 to 1913, pitted Muir and his followers
against Pinchot and his wise - use philosophy. Muir
and the ‘ preservationists ’ adopted a deeply religious
rhetoric and imagery in support of their cause. This
reinforced the ethos of the 19th century cultural movement and gave shape and popular meaning to a core
social value, which can be summarized by the notion
that landscapes evoking wilderness should be preserved as a benchmark from which to assess urban/
industrial modernity and as places for spiritual, aesthetic and physical exploration and rejuvenation.
The Sierra Club, together with Aldo Leopold ’ s
Wilderness Society (founded in 1935), helped defi ne
wilderness areas as a signifi cant part of the American
heritage. Their efforts culminated with the signing of
the US Wilderness Act in 1964 by President Lyndon
Johnson. At a stroke this led to the designation of
37,000 km
2 of national forest as wilderness areas,
with a wilderness defi ned in the Act as ‘ … an area
where the earth and its community of life are untrammelled by man, where man himself is a visitor who
does not remain ’ . As America ’ s overseas infl uence
increased during the latter half of the 20th century,
notions of wilderness strongly infl uenced the identifi -
cation and designation of protected areas around the
world.
Strict nature reserves have some similarities with
wilderness areas, although their origins are somewhat
different. This category of reserve was invented by
colonial powers negotiating the 1933 convention on
African wildlife to accommodate Belgian and French
views that tourism (as promoted by the British and US)
was incompatible with preserving nature in a natural
state. As such, this type of reserve is clearly closely
related to the underlying philosophy of wilderness
reserves as they were originally conceived.
2.2.7 National p arks
The term ‘ national park ’ is probably the most widely
recognized category of protected area, yet the underlying purpose is not clearly evident from the term itself.
This may be because national parks often appear to
represent the merger of conservation goals with efforts
to create or reinvigorate a sense of national identity
(Jepson & Ladle, 2010 ). Many national parks started
off as wildlife sanctuaries or nature monuments and
were part of a conscious strategy of ‘ nation building ’