362
J. Kooiman
ease, because they are physically situated in, for example, an of fi ce. The governing
systems for fi sh chains, however, are frequently more dif fi cult to pinpoint; they are
fragmented, fl uid and traverse the globe.
An important characteristic of interactive governance is its broad de fi nition of
the governing system. Although it is a major governing agency, the state is by no
means the sole actor. The market, civil society and the assorted hybrids that exist
between them are recognized as partaking in governing action as well. Like the
state, they too organize, implement and evaluate governing activities, albeit in a different way than those sanctioned by the state.
Chain Governance
Chain theorists view the market, operating at the fi rm level, as the main governing
agency (Geref fi et al. 2005 ) . They, for example, consider the (agro) food industry
to be buyer-driven. Supermarkets, as major lead- fi rms, use quality requirements
in addition to pricing mechanisms as a form of private or market governance
(e.g. Konefal et al. 2005 ) . Other types of structures, namely in the form of producerdriven (usually industrial products) and the recently developed processor-driven
chains (e.g. coffee) have been added as yet another way of envisioning chain governance (Gibbon 2001 ) . The verb ‘to drive’ is utilized to indicate that lead fi rms
should be understood as core actors setting parameters for others in a commodity
chain. Next to the governance of chains by the market, chain theorists also distinguish external actors: governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
that, for example, interfere in food chains for public health and environmental
reasons. Network and regime concepts too are used as ways to capture arrangements (e.g. Raynolds 2004 ; Bush and Oosterveer 2007 ; Bair 2008 ) , in which private
and public actors govern together (Ponte 2002 ) .
Governance of Socio-ecological Systems
There is an abundance of literature that sets out to create a perspective of the adaptive management or governance of socio-ecological systems. Folke et al. ( 2005 )
therefore argue that new insights about the nature of change processes in SES ask
for the transformation of managing and control capacities from ones that assume
stability to those with the capacity to reorganize. Adaptive governance theories
extend this approach by including social contexts, creating conditions for ordered
rule-making and collective action, establishing institutions for social coordination,
and allowing for broad-based decision-making and power-sharing (Gregory et al.
2006 ; Gunderson and Light 2006 ; Pahl-Wostl 2007 ; Rammel et al. 2007 ) .
In applying these observations to the role of the governing system in fi sheries, as
discussed in this volume, it is clear that the state is predominantly seen as the principal governor. Almost every chapter in this book alludes, in one way or another, to
this role. However, it should also be abundantly clear that such governance is often
J. Kooiman
ease, because they are physically situated in, for example, an of fi ce. The governing
systems for fi sh chains, however, are frequently more dif fi cult to pinpoint; they are
fragmented, fl uid and traverse the globe.
An important characteristic of interactive governance is its broad de fi nition of
the governing system. Although it is a major governing agency, the state is by no
means the sole actor. The market, civil society and the assorted hybrids that exist
between them are recognized as partaking in governing action as well. Like the
state, they too organize, implement and evaluate governing activities, albeit in a different way than those sanctioned by the state.
Chain Governance
Chain theorists view the market, operating at the fi rm level, as the main governing
agency (Geref fi et al. 2005 ) . They, for example, consider the (agro) food industry
to be buyer-driven. Supermarkets, as major lead- fi rms, use quality requirements
in addition to pricing mechanisms as a form of private or market governance
(e.g. Konefal et al. 2005 ) . Other types of structures, namely in the form of producerdriven (usually industrial products) and the recently developed processor-driven
chains (e.g. coffee) have been added as yet another way of envisioning chain governance (Gibbon 2001 ) . The verb ‘to drive’ is utilized to indicate that lead fi rms
should be understood as core actors setting parameters for others in a commodity
chain. Next to the governance of chains by the market, chain theorists also distinguish external actors: governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
that, for example, interfere in food chains for public health and environmental
reasons. Network and regime concepts too are used as ways to capture arrangements (e.g. Raynolds 2004 ; Bush and Oosterveer 2007 ; Bair 2008 ) , in which private
and public actors govern together (Ponte 2002 ) .
Governance of Socio-ecological Systems
There is an abundance of literature that sets out to create a perspective of the adaptive management or governance of socio-ecological systems. Folke et al. ( 2005 )
therefore argue that new insights about the nature of change processes in SES ask
for the transformation of managing and control capacities from ones that assume
stability to those with the capacity to reorganize. Adaptive governance theories
extend this approach by including social contexts, creating conditions for ordered
rule-making and collective action, establishing institutions for social coordination,
and allowing for broad-based decision-making and power-sharing (Gregory et al.
2006 ; Gunderson and Light 2006 ; Pahl-Wostl 2007 ; Rammel et al. 2007 ) .
In applying these observations to the role of the governing system in fi sheries, as
discussed in this volume, it is clear that the state is predominantly seen as the principal governor. Almost every chapter in this book alludes, in one way or another, to
this role. However, it should also be abundantly clear that such governance is often