253
13 Gender in Galician Shell-Fisheries: Transforming for Governability
of the licenses or permex, controlled since its inception by the regional government’s
fi sheries administration. Local mariscadoras organizations may demand an increase
in the numbers of local licenses, but the decision remains with the regional administration. Many of these requests are frequently rejected. Entry into the activity and
the renewal of the mariscadoras ’ licenses have both been sources of con fl ict between
the regional administration and the local mariscadoras association . The fi rst prefers
to maintain a stable—or decreasing—number of mariscadoras , while the second
typically wants to increase these numbers. The exclusion of many potential new
mariscadoras from the activity due to this fact may have exerted some in fl uence on
the surge of poaching in this area, and some of the related con fl icts.
Women’s Organizations or Agrupación de Mariscadoras
Women working in shell fi sh harvesting needed organizations to ensure that free
access areas would be transformed into managed territories and in order to gain
professional recognition. In 1995, when the fi rst mariscadoras’ regional meeting
was held, there were seven local organizations or agrupaciones de mariscadoras in
Galicia, a fi gure that rose to 21 by 2001. The 188 organized training courses and
the four regional meetings played an important role in the capacity building of
mariscadoras , because women understood that proper organization would enhance
their work.
Mariscadoras’ associations soon became full and equal participants in cofradías ,
on par with other organizations already present. The mariscadoras’ self con fi dence
was boosted by their success in shell fi sh management and in being able to improve
their incomes; their collective participation in the cofradías gave them the chance to
be heard by governing bodies. “The involvement of mariscadoras in cofradía management had increased democracy, clari fi ed memberships and responsibilities, and
contributed to improved functioning as information was distributed to all members”
(Marugán Pintos 2005 , 5). However, it must be said that the acceptance of women
by the cofradías left no one indifferent and did not occur without confronting the
negative reactions of some men. The fi rst mariscadoras to join cofradías struggled
alone, with no support from their colleagues. Their actions had a positive impact for
the collective interests of women, because they took responsibility in male-oriented
organizations. Women decided to become board members of cofradías , because
they had something to say about the allocation of shell fi sh licenses ( permex ) and
realized they could bene fi t from the services of a biologist, whom the cofradías
could employ. The legal framework of the cofradía was required, because the
agrupación lacked the legal structures to employ biologists on their own accord.
The women developed the capacity to discuss their own problems and interests, as
well as those of artisanal fi sheries.
In 1995, only two women were chairs of cofradías . In 2005, 351 women were
involved on the boards of cofradías : 4 were patronas mayores (chairs), 120 held a
position within the cabildo (governing bodies), and 227 were members of the junta
13 Gender in Galician Shell-Fisheries: Transforming for Governability
of the licenses or permex, controlled since its inception by the regional government’s
fi sheries administration. Local mariscadoras organizations may demand an increase
in the numbers of local licenses, but the decision remains with the regional administration. Many of these requests are frequently rejected. Entry into the activity and
the renewal of the mariscadoras ’ licenses have both been sources of con fl ict between
the regional administration and the local mariscadoras association . The fi rst prefers
to maintain a stable—or decreasing—number of mariscadoras , while the second
typically wants to increase these numbers. The exclusion of many potential new
mariscadoras from the activity due to this fact may have exerted some in fl uence on
the surge of poaching in this area, and some of the related con fl icts.
Women’s Organizations or Agrupación de Mariscadoras
Women working in shell fi sh harvesting needed organizations to ensure that free
access areas would be transformed into managed territories and in order to gain
professional recognition. In 1995, when the fi rst mariscadoras’ regional meeting
was held, there were seven local organizations or agrupaciones de mariscadoras in
Galicia, a fi gure that rose to 21 by 2001. The 188 organized training courses and
the four regional meetings played an important role in the capacity building of
mariscadoras , because women understood that proper organization would enhance
their work.
Mariscadoras’ associations soon became full and equal participants in cofradías ,
on par with other organizations already present. The mariscadoras’ self con fi dence
was boosted by their success in shell fi sh management and in being able to improve
their incomes; their collective participation in the cofradías gave them the chance to
be heard by governing bodies. “The involvement of mariscadoras in cofradía management had increased democracy, clari fi ed memberships and responsibilities, and
contributed to improved functioning as information was distributed to all members”
(Marugán Pintos 2005 , 5). However, it must be said that the acceptance of women
by the cofradías left no one indifferent and did not occur without confronting the
negative reactions of some men. The fi rst mariscadoras to join cofradías struggled
alone, with no support from their colleagues. Their actions had a positive impact for
the collective interests of women, because they took responsibility in male-oriented
organizations. Women decided to become board members of cofradías , because
they had something to say about the allocation of shell fi sh licenses ( permex ) and
realized they could bene fi t from the services of a biologist, whom the cofradías
could employ. The legal framework of the cofradía was required, because the
agrupación lacked the legal structures to employ biologists on their own accord.
The women developed the capacity to discuss their own problems and interests, as
well as those of artisanal fi sheries.
In 1995, only two women were chairs of cofradías . In 2005, 351 women were
involved on the boards of cofradías : 4 were patronas mayores (chairs), 120 held a
position within the cabildo (governing bodies), and 227 were members of the junta