248
K. Frangoudes et al.
Galicia; and several decrees in 1993 that established permits for exploitation
(127/93) and streamlined legislation in the sector (Mahou Lago 2008 , 99; Frangoudes
et al. 2008b ) . Though perhaps not as ef fi cient as the circumstances required, these
regulations paved the way for managing the activity. Without these foundations,
the radical transformation of the sector after 1995 would have simply been
impossible.
Before 1995, con fl icts in the sector were ongoing. Overexploitation of stocks
meant that women seeking to increase their production would move to the territory
of other cofradías . Articles regarding the con fl icts between mariscadoras from
different cofradías or between women with licenses and those without appeared in
regional newspapers on a daily basis. Such publications painted a negative picture
of shell fi sh gatherers in regional society and linked them to con fl icts related to
resource access. This negative picture not only permeated their public image, but
also the image that mariscadoras held of themselves.
The attitudes of cofradías towards the activity were diverse, and some decided to
react by establishing daily quotas for each gatherer and imposing a minimum size
for harvested shell fi sh. The fi rst cofradía to establish stricter rules than the regional
authorities was Illa de Arousa, studied by Meltzoff in 1990 (Meltzoff 1995 ; Meltzoff
and Broad 1996 ) . In an attempt to recover control of the activity, the regional government created a surveillance service against poachers and issued a new decree
that made the closed seasons more fl exible, avoiding the concentration of catches in
a short period and reducing the power of the canning industry. Commercialization
improved, because production was no longer concentrated in a few months, and
incomes were more evenly distributed throughout the year. An annual market
reduced pressure on stocks, provided the women with a year-round income, and
created an enhanced pricing structure. The successful development of the shell fi sh
market, however, put new demands on management.
Law 6/1993 (on May 11th), concerning fi sheries in Galicia, established a licensing system, which led to new decrees being issued with stipulations for obtaining
shell fi shing licenses (called permex ) that were far more speci fi c. The new regulations allowed year-round shell fi sh extraction, except on Saturdays, Sundays and
public holidays, and established guidelines for cofradías to submit a management
plan for shell fi sh resources. The regional administration and cofradías formally
agreed to regulate the shell fi sh sector, but much work was required to turn these
intentions into reality.
Factors Contributing to Mariscadoras’ Empowerment
In the period before 1994, public opinion deemed shell fi sh gathering an economically marginal activity. This explains the scant importance afforded by the fi sheries
administration to mariscadoras and the little interest shown by cofradías to women
employed in shell fi sh gathering. Female shell fi sh gatherers faced discrimination within
fi sheries organizations and by the fi sheries administration. Their small economic
K. Frangoudes et al.
Galicia; and several decrees in 1993 that established permits for exploitation
(127/93) and streamlined legislation in the sector (Mahou Lago 2008 , 99; Frangoudes
et al. 2008b ) . Though perhaps not as ef fi cient as the circumstances required, these
regulations paved the way for managing the activity. Without these foundations,
the radical transformation of the sector after 1995 would have simply been
impossible.
Before 1995, con fl icts in the sector were ongoing. Overexploitation of stocks
meant that women seeking to increase their production would move to the territory
of other cofradías . Articles regarding the con fl icts between mariscadoras from
different cofradías or between women with licenses and those without appeared in
regional newspapers on a daily basis. Such publications painted a negative picture
of shell fi sh gatherers in regional society and linked them to con fl icts related to
resource access. This negative picture not only permeated their public image, but
also the image that mariscadoras held of themselves.
The attitudes of cofradías towards the activity were diverse, and some decided to
react by establishing daily quotas for each gatherer and imposing a minimum size
for harvested shell fi sh. The fi rst cofradía to establish stricter rules than the regional
authorities was Illa de Arousa, studied by Meltzoff in 1990 (Meltzoff 1995 ; Meltzoff
and Broad 1996 ) . In an attempt to recover control of the activity, the regional government created a surveillance service against poachers and issued a new decree
that made the closed seasons more fl exible, avoiding the concentration of catches in
a short period and reducing the power of the canning industry. Commercialization
improved, because production was no longer concentrated in a few months, and
incomes were more evenly distributed throughout the year. An annual market
reduced pressure on stocks, provided the women with a year-round income, and
created an enhanced pricing structure. The successful development of the shell fi sh
market, however, put new demands on management.
Law 6/1993 (on May 11th), concerning fi sheries in Galicia, established a licensing system, which led to new decrees being issued with stipulations for obtaining
shell fi shing licenses (called permex ) that were far more speci fi c. The new regulations allowed year-round shell fi sh extraction, except on Saturdays, Sundays and
public holidays, and established guidelines for cofradías to submit a management
plan for shell fi sh resources. The regional administration and cofradías formally
agreed to regulate the shell fi sh sector, but much work was required to turn these
intentions into reality.
Factors Contributing to Mariscadoras’ Empowerment
In the period before 1994, public opinion deemed shell fi sh gathering an economically marginal activity. This explains the scant importance afforded by the fi sheries
administration to mariscadoras and the little interest shown by cofradías to women
employed in shell fi sh gathering. Female shell fi sh gatherers faced discrimination within
fi sheries organizations and by the fi sheries administration. Their small economic