220
R. De la Cruz Modino and J.J. Pascual-Fernández
resources. However, MPAs are complex systems that should be analyzed from a
governance perspective that takes into account the serious questions posed about
their capacity to cope with the problems of implementation or effectiveness (Jentoft
et al. 2007 ) . MPAs include a system-to-be-governed that basically consists of the
ecosystem and its resources on the one hand, and human populations and stakeholders groups that depend on these areas, usually capable of building institutions and
political organizations, on the other. We can also analyze an MPA by examining its
governing system, which, in terms of its social nature, is formed by institutions and
mechanisms of control, and nested into larger institutional and political settings
(Thorpe et al. 2011 ) . Both systems interact dynamically, and both the systems and
their interactions should be given equal consideration in MPA research. Moreover,
the research must take into account elements such as their diversity, complexity,
dynamics and scale (Jentoft et al. 2007 ) . Any of these systems may introduce limitations into the governability of MPAs, and consequently their implementation has
proven more dif fi cult than expected. In most cases, an MPA cannot be declared and
implemented in a short period of time. Its establishment can take considerable time
and energy; all too often more than 5 or even 10 years (Jentoft et al. 2011 ) .
Additionally, MPA establishment must always overcome governability challenges,
such as those exempli fi ed by the case of the Marine Reserve of La Restinga-Mar de
las Calmas in El Hierro (Canary Islands, Spain), the focus of this chapter.
Marine conservation has a long history around the world and takes many different forms. The conservation practices in Oceania described by Johannes ( 1978,
1982, 2002 ) , for example, included protected areas where fi shing was considered
taboo for various reasons. For centuries, these practices, together with closed seasons and many other examples of customary-based marine resource management,
preceded some of the most sophisticated modern management measures, including
the existing variety of MPAs. Such measures had been developed without input
from the modern sciences or support from states or international donors. Instead,
these were mainly conceived by taking into account traditional knowledge.
Unfortunately, many were compromised by contact with western management models that attempted to impose new styles of relationships on human societies and
resources (Johannes 1978 ) . In recent decades, however, the rediscovery of these
deeply rooted measures in Oceania has encouraged the allocation of territorial rights
to local populations in many of these states. This has, in turn, resulted in the recovery of traditional models of fi sheries management and the promotion of ‘organic’
MPAs, in addition to other measures focused on preserving fi shing resources
(Johannes 2002 ) .
Examples of territorial use rights in fi shing are present in many continents and
coasts. Most of these include controls over outsiders usage by fi shing communities.
As suggested by Charles, examples of territorial use rights and customary usage are
widespread around the world, and are identi fi able in both modern and traditional
fi sheries. They generally have considerable potential to provide a relatively stable,
socially-supported fi shery management system (Charles 2002 ) . In Spain, the location of our case study, the fi shing sector is organized into cofradías , long-standing
institutions that have survived since medieval times in some areas of the country.
R. De la Cruz Modino and J.J. Pascual-Fernández
resources. However, MPAs are complex systems that should be analyzed from a
governance perspective that takes into account the serious questions posed about
their capacity to cope with the problems of implementation or effectiveness (Jentoft
et al. 2007 ) . MPAs include a system-to-be-governed that basically consists of the
ecosystem and its resources on the one hand, and human populations and stakeholders groups that depend on these areas, usually capable of building institutions and
political organizations, on the other. We can also analyze an MPA by examining its
governing system, which, in terms of its social nature, is formed by institutions and
mechanisms of control, and nested into larger institutional and political settings
(Thorpe et al. 2011 ) . Both systems interact dynamically, and both the systems and
their interactions should be given equal consideration in MPA research. Moreover,
the research must take into account elements such as their diversity, complexity,
dynamics and scale (Jentoft et al. 2007 ) . Any of these systems may introduce limitations into the governability of MPAs, and consequently their implementation has
proven more dif fi cult than expected. In most cases, an MPA cannot be declared and
implemented in a short period of time. Its establishment can take considerable time
and energy; all too often more than 5 or even 10 years (Jentoft et al. 2011 ) .
Additionally, MPA establishment must always overcome governability challenges,
such as those exempli fi ed by the case of the Marine Reserve of La Restinga-Mar de
las Calmas in El Hierro (Canary Islands, Spain), the focus of this chapter.
Marine conservation has a long history around the world and takes many different forms. The conservation practices in Oceania described by Johannes ( 1978,
1982, 2002 ) , for example, included protected areas where fi shing was considered
taboo for various reasons. For centuries, these practices, together with closed seasons and many other examples of customary-based marine resource management,
preceded some of the most sophisticated modern management measures, including
the existing variety of MPAs. Such measures had been developed without input
from the modern sciences or support from states or international donors. Instead,
these were mainly conceived by taking into account traditional knowledge.
Unfortunately, many were compromised by contact with western management models that attempted to impose new styles of relationships on human societies and
resources (Johannes 1978 ) . In recent decades, however, the rediscovery of these
deeply rooted measures in Oceania has encouraged the allocation of territorial rights
to local populations in many of these states. This has, in turn, resulted in the recovery of traditional models of fi sheries management and the promotion of ‘organic’
MPAs, in addition to other measures focused on preserving fi shing resources
(Johannes 2002 ) .
Examples of territorial use rights in fi shing are present in many continents and
coasts. Most of these include controls over outsiders usage by fi shing communities.
As suggested by Charles, examples of territorial use rights and customary usage are
widespread around the world, and are identi fi able in both modern and traditional
fi sheries. They generally have considerable potential to provide a relatively stable,
socially-supported fi shery management system (Charles 2002 ) . In Spain, the location of our case study, the fi shing sector is organized into cofradías , long-standing
institutions that have survived since medieval times in some areas of the country.