186
J. Scholtens and M. Bavinck
clear that trawl fi shing effort plays a major role.
4 Sathyapalan et al. ( 2007 ) argue
that the current fl eet of about 2,000 trawlers is heavily overcapitalized. First, the
average fi shing area available per trawler on the Indian side of the Palk Bay has
steadily declined; secondly, on average one-third of the boats remain idle on days
that fi shing is allowed; and fi nally, the technical ef fi ciency of the boats is as low
as 78% (Sathyapalan et al. 2007 ) .
Harmful fi shing techniques constitute the other side of the coin. Bottom trawling
is the most widely practiced trawl technique in the Palk Bay, and this technique is
increasingly recognized as destructive (Pauly et al. 2002 ; FAO 2004 ) .
Economic Viability: Decreasing Pro fi tability
Diesel costs constitute 70–90% of the operating costs in trawler fi shing (Sathyapalan
et al. 2007 ) . The pro fi tability of the trawling industry is thus extremely dependent
on the development of fuel prices. Re fl ecting international trends, the price of diesel
in the Palk Bay rose by more than 50% between 2002 and 2007. At the same time,
shrimp prices actually decreased. Assuming that CPUE has not gone up during
these years, we can conclude that the pro fi tability of the trawl fi shing occupation
has, on average, gone down severely. One of the most visible signs of this trend is
that during these 5 years at least 400 trawlers were sold to boat breakers.
Social Justice: Con fl icts Between Trawler and Small-Scale Fisheries
People along the Indian coastline have been involved in fi sheries for many centuries, initially making use of small-scale crafts and using their catch for own consumption as well as for sale at local markets. A trawl fl eet came about gradually
from the 1950s onwards. Rather than replacing the traditional fl eet, however, trawl
fi shers started operating alongside and in competition with small-scale fi shers. From
the very beginning the relation between these two sub-sectors has been tense, at
times resulting in physical violence (Bavinck 2001, 2003 ; Subramanian 2009 ) . The
main reasons for con fl ict are:
Small-scale fi shers typically fi sh with passive – standing – nets, while trawl fi shers
–
make use of active (moving) gear. Especially during the night, trawl boats run the risk
of cutting through standing nets, resulting in painful losses for small-scale fi shers.
Small-scale fi shers are convinced that trawlers destroy the ecosystem on
–
which they rely, thus undermining the viability of their occupation; they
also contest the rights of trawl fi shers operating in ‘their’ inshore fi shing
grounds.
4 The number of small-scale vessels plying the Palk Bay too has increased dramatically in the past
decades, probably contributing to the over fi shing problem. Our focus in this chapter, however, is
on the ‘big guys’ – the trawl fi shermen.
J. Scholtens and M. Bavinck
clear that trawl fi shing effort plays a major role.
4 Sathyapalan et al. ( 2007 ) argue
that the current fl eet of about 2,000 trawlers is heavily overcapitalized. First, the
average fi shing area available per trawler on the Indian side of the Palk Bay has
steadily declined; secondly, on average one-third of the boats remain idle on days
that fi shing is allowed; and fi nally, the technical ef fi ciency of the boats is as low
as 78% (Sathyapalan et al. 2007 ) .
Harmful fi shing techniques constitute the other side of the coin. Bottom trawling
is the most widely practiced trawl technique in the Palk Bay, and this technique is
increasingly recognized as destructive (Pauly et al. 2002 ; FAO 2004 ) .
Economic Viability: Decreasing Pro fi tability
Diesel costs constitute 70–90% of the operating costs in trawler fi shing (Sathyapalan
et al. 2007 ) . The pro fi tability of the trawling industry is thus extremely dependent
on the development of fuel prices. Re fl ecting international trends, the price of diesel
in the Palk Bay rose by more than 50% between 2002 and 2007. At the same time,
shrimp prices actually decreased. Assuming that CPUE has not gone up during
these years, we can conclude that the pro fi tability of the trawl fi shing occupation
has, on average, gone down severely. One of the most visible signs of this trend is
that during these 5 years at least 400 trawlers were sold to boat breakers.
Social Justice: Con fl icts Between Trawler and Small-Scale Fisheries
People along the Indian coastline have been involved in fi sheries for many centuries, initially making use of small-scale crafts and using their catch for own consumption as well as for sale at local markets. A trawl fl eet came about gradually
from the 1950s onwards. Rather than replacing the traditional fl eet, however, trawl
fi shers started operating alongside and in competition with small-scale fi shers. From
the very beginning the relation between these two sub-sectors has been tense, at
times resulting in physical violence (Bavinck 2001, 2003 ; Subramanian 2009 ) . The
main reasons for con fl ict are:
Small-scale fi shers typically fi sh with passive – standing – nets, while trawl fi shers
–
make use of active (moving) gear. Especially during the night, trawl boats run the risk
of cutting through standing nets, resulting in painful losses for small-scale fi shers.
Small-scale fi shers are convinced that trawlers destroy the ecosystem on
–
which they rely, thus undermining the viability of their occupation; they
also contest the rights of trawl fi shers operating in ‘their’ inshore fi shing
grounds.
4 The number of small-scale vessels plying the Palk Bay too has increased dramatically in the past
decades, probably contributing to the over fi shing problem. Our focus in this chapter, however, is
on the ‘big guys’ – the trawl fi shermen.