96
5 Transoceanic Trade and Migration (2)
in Japan in the Yayoi period. The linguistic data demonstrates that the parallels
between Japanese and Malayo-Polynesian could not be due to chance. Kumar and
Rose show that
The phonological correspondences map unidirectionally from Old Javanese to Old
Japanese, and a search for cognates in all Austronesian languages covered by the major
comparative dictionaries reveals that the lexical items are localized to the Indonesian
subarea of Malayo-Polynesian. This points to one or more Indonesian languages as the
source of the borrowings. The agreement between semantic and archaeological evidence on
material and spiritual culture dates the contact to the Yayoi period (p. 219).
In arguing for the establishment of an Indonesian kingdom in Japan in the
Yayoi period, not only do Kumar and Rose demonstrate strong linguistic connections between Indonesian languages and Japanese, but they also demonstrate
clear archaeological connections and use these to date the kingdom to the Yayoi
period. Similarities between Javanese krises and Japanese swords and Javanese and
Japanese accession rituals, for example, are used to establish the Yayoi period for
the Indonesian colony.
Kumar points to remarkably specific cultural and mythological links, describing
a specific and detailed set of mythological correspondences in kingship rituals between
Japan and Indonesia. For example, in both cases the central myth and ritual of kingship
revolves around the moon maiden, associated with rice, whose robe the ruler must assume
upon accession, and who, when she has returned to heaven, can be summoned by a burnt
offering on the part of the ruler. In both cases, there is a sacred dance dedicated to the
goddess, performed at accession and associated with the ritual numbers 4/5 and 8/9. It is
important to emphasize the high degree of specificity in the correspondences (p. 221).
Additionally Kumar and Rose cite horticultural evidence in support of these
cultural links:
it has been demonstrated (Moinaga 1968, Olia 1988: 145–148) that Japanese rice and
Javanese (javanica) rice – the third major subdivision alongside the Chinese (sinica) and
Indian (indica) – are more closely related to each other than either is to any other types of
rice. Javanica rice originates in Indonesia (p. 221).
But far older cultural and horticultural links appear to underlie the specific correspondences Kumar and Rose describe as belonging to accession rituals in the Yayoi
period. These suggest significant contact in a far earlier period. Recent suggestions
that rice-growing might have originated in Southeast Asia and spread from there
to southern China, for example, support the possibility of a pattern of flow for rice
cultivation from equatorial regions to ones of high latitude, rather than the other
way around. Oppenheimer [7], for example, notes that “Thai archaeologist Surin
Pookajorn has found rice grains associated with pottery and other Neolithic artefacts such as polished stone adzes in Sakai Cave” on the Malay peninsula (part of
the continent of Sundaland before the last Ice Age flood) dated to between 9,260
and 7,620 years ago. Closer to the Spice Islands, Oppenheimer notes that “The earliest site with evidence for agriculture is 5150 years old from Gua Sireh (Borneo),
followed by Ulu Leang in Sulawesi 5100 years ago” [7].
The Sakai Cave on the Malay peninsula is only about 10 ◦ N of the equator
(whereas southern China – where rice was thought to have been first domesticated –
5 Transoceanic Trade and Migration (2)
in Japan in the Yayoi period. The linguistic data demonstrates that the parallels
between Japanese and Malayo-Polynesian could not be due to chance. Kumar and
Rose show that
The phonological correspondences map unidirectionally from Old Javanese to Old
Japanese, and a search for cognates in all Austronesian languages covered by the major
comparative dictionaries reveals that the lexical items are localized to the Indonesian
subarea of Malayo-Polynesian. This points to one or more Indonesian languages as the
source of the borrowings. The agreement between semantic and archaeological evidence on
material and spiritual culture dates the contact to the Yayoi period (p. 219).
In arguing for the establishment of an Indonesian kingdom in Japan in the
Yayoi period, not only do Kumar and Rose demonstrate strong linguistic connections between Indonesian languages and Japanese, but they also demonstrate
clear archaeological connections and use these to date the kingdom to the Yayoi
period. Similarities between Javanese krises and Japanese swords and Javanese and
Japanese accession rituals, for example, are used to establish the Yayoi period for
the Indonesian colony.
Kumar points to remarkably specific cultural and mythological links, describing
a specific and detailed set of mythological correspondences in kingship rituals between
Japan and Indonesia. For example, in both cases the central myth and ritual of kingship
revolves around the moon maiden, associated with rice, whose robe the ruler must assume
upon accession, and who, when she has returned to heaven, can be summoned by a burnt
offering on the part of the ruler. In both cases, there is a sacred dance dedicated to the
goddess, performed at accession and associated with the ritual numbers 4/5 and 8/9. It is
important to emphasize the high degree of specificity in the correspondences (p. 221).
Additionally Kumar and Rose cite horticultural evidence in support of these
cultural links:
it has been demonstrated (Moinaga 1968, Olia 1988: 145–148) that Japanese rice and
Javanese (javanica) rice – the third major subdivision alongside the Chinese (sinica) and
Indian (indica) – are more closely related to each other than either is to any other types of
rice. Javanica rice originates in Indonesia (p. 221).
But far older cultural and horticultural links appear to underlie the specific correspondences Kumar and Rose describe as belonging to accession rituals in the Yayoi
period. These suggest significant contact in a far earlier period. Recent suggestions
that rice-growing might have originated in Southeast Asia and spread from there
to southern China, for example, support the possibility of a pattern of flow for rice
cultivation from equatorial regions to ones of high latitude, rather than the other
way around. Oppenheimer [7], for example, notes that “Thai archaeologist Surin
Pookajorn has found rice grains associated with pottery and other Neolithic artefacts such as polished stone adzes in Sakai Cave” on the Malay peninsula (part of
the continent of Sundaland before the last Ice Age flood) dated to between 9,260
and 7,620 years ago. Closer to the Spice Islands, Oppenheimer notes that “The earliest site with evidence for agriculture is 5150 years old from Gua Sireh (Borneo),
followed by Ulu Leang in Sulawesi 5100 years ago” [7].
The Sakai Cave on the Malay peninsula is only about 10 ◦ N of the equator
(whereas southern China – where rice was thought to have been first domesticated –