Contemporary Culture, Use, and Conservation of Sea Turtles
313
obligations and responsibilities and smoothed out daily and seasonal differences in
the acquisition of animal protein” (Nietschmann, 1979). These social relations took
place in a wider cultural context, in which sea turtles were the Miskito’s most
important resource.
In later writings, Nietschmann (1979) described the impacts of the introduction
of commercial turtling. As turtles gained cash value, people spent more time turtling,
and the more time thus spent, the less time spent on other subsistence activities, and
the greater the need for cash. With the introduction of nets (supplied by the manufacturers of turtle products), the traditions of fishing changed; nets made everyone
fishermen, and the importance of skills as a striker diminished. As more people
became turtlers, fewer turtles were easily captured and more time and effort had to
be spent turtling.
The introduction of a cash value for turtles also created tension in the community. The need to sell turtles for cash in order to purchase goods meant that
fishermen felt unable to fulfill their meat-sharing obligations. This was especially
true in times of harvest scarcity. Nietschmann (1979) concludes that the introduction of a market economy contributed to both the reduction of the resource and
the economic and cultural impoverishment of the community. Miskito Indians
continue to take turtles; Lagueux (1998) estimates that 10,000 turtles are taken
annually. However, the tradition of meat sharing has disappeared (C. Lagueux,
personal communication, 2002).
12.2.1.1.2 Costa Rica
The importance of green turtles to the human community at Tortuguero, Costa Rica,
has shifted over the years. The name Tortuguero (and sometimes Turtle Bogue)
means turtle place, and Rudloe (1979) describes the link between Cerro Tortuguero
(a hill at the mouth of the Tortuguero River) and the legend of the turtle mother, a
rock believed to attract turtles to nest. Although humans settled at Tortuguero in
the 1930s, turtles have long been fished there; the Miskito Indians fished offshore
for hundreds of years prior to Tortuguero’s settlement, and European explorers
restocked food supplies with Tortuguero turtles as early as the seventeenth century
(Lefever, 1992). Until the 1970s, residents of Tortuguero captured green turtles for
consumption; cooking methods for green turtle meat and eggs have been described
(Rudloe, 1979; Lefever, 1992). Residents and nonresidents also captured turtles
onshore for sale to boats waiting offshore. Although commercial turtling was on
the wane in the 1960s (Parsons, 1962), turtles remained an important local resource,
especially because other enterprises in the region (a banana plantation and a sawmill) experienced boom and bust cycles. In an isolated rainforest with limited
agricultural potential, turtles provided a dependable and free source of protein
during the “bust.” When conservation efforts began in the 1960s and 1970s, turtle
exploitation was prohibited, with one exception: the community is theoretically
allowed to slaughter one turtle a week (three according to Lefever [1992] and two
according to Rudloe [1979]) for communal distribution. However, the criteria to
be met for such harvest are stringent to the extent that this practice has stopped (S.
Troeng, personal communication, 2000), although some longtime residents of Tortuguero would like to be able to eat turtle meat (Peskin, 2002). The role of turtles
1123 book.book Page 313 Thursday, November 14, 2002 11:50 AM
313
obligations and responsibilities and smoothed out daily and seasonal differences in
the acquisition of animal protein” (Nietschmann, 1979). These social relations took
place in a wider cultural context, in which sea turtles were the Miskito’s most
important resource.
In later writings, Nietschmann (1979) described the impacts of the introduction
of commercial turtling. As turtles gained cash value, people spent more time turtling,
and the more time thus spent, the less time spent on other subsistence activities, and
the greater the need for cash. With the introduction of nets (supplied by the manufacturers of turtle products), the traditions of fishing changed; nets made everyone
fishermen, and the importance of skills as a striker diminished. As more people
became turtlers, fewer turtles were easily captured and more time and effort had to
be spent turtling.
The introduction of a cash value for turtles also created tension in the community. The need to sell turtles for cash in order to purchase goods meant that
fishermen felt unable to fulfill their meat-sharing obligations. This was especially
true in times of harvest scarcity. Nietschmann (1979) concludes that the introduction of a market economy contributed to both the reduction of the resource and
the economic and cultural impoverishment of the community. Miskito Indians
continue to take turtles; Lagueux (1998) estimates that 10,000 turtles are taken
annually. However, the tradition of meat sharing has disappeared (C. Lagueux,
personal communication, 2002).
12.2.1.1.2 Costa Rica
The importance of green turtles to the human community at Tortuguero, Costa Rica,
has shifted over the years. The name Tortuguero (and sometimes Turtle Bogue)
means turtle place, and Rudloe (1979) describes the link between Cerro Tortuguero
(a hill at the mouth of the Tortuguero River) and the legend of the turtle mother, a
rock believed to attract turtles to nest. Although humans settled at Tortuguero in
the 1930s, turtles have long been fished there; the Miskito Indians fished offshore
for hundreds of years prior to Tortuguero’s settlement, and European explorers
restocked food supplies with Tortuguero turtles as early as the seventeenth century
(Lefever, 1992). Until the 1970s, residents of Tortuguero captured green turtles for
consumption; cooking methods for green turtle meat and eggs have been described
(Rudloe, 1979; Lefever, 1992). Residents and nonresidents also captured turtles
onshore for sale to boats waiting offshore. Although commercial turtling was on
the wane in the 1960s (Parsons, 1962), turtles remained an important local resource,
especially because other enterprises in the region (a banana plantation and a sawmill) experienced boom and bust cycles. In an isolated rainforest with limited
agricultural potential, turtles provided a dependable and free source of protein
during the “bust.” When conservation efforts began in the 1960s and 1970s, turtle
exploitation was prohibited, with one exception: the community is theoretically
allowed to slaughter one turtle a week (three according to Lefever [1992] and two
according to Rudloe [1979]) for communal distribution. However, the criteria to
be met for such harvest are stringent to the extent that this practice has stopped (S.
Troeng, personal communication, 2000), although some longtime residents of Tortuguero would like to be able to eat turtle meat (Peskin, 2002). The role of turtles
1123 book.book Page 313 Thursday, November 14, 2002 11:50 AM