334
M A C D O N A L D , S T E WA RT, S T O P K A , A N D YA M A G U C H I
fashions have drifted away from assembling the data classic ethologists so carefully gleaned.
Context
In a book on ecological methods, the function of this chapter is to provide a map
for ecologists through the portions of the rapids that ethologists have already
negotiated. When we launched into this task, no text existed to bring together
the wisdom of a receding era of ethology and the innovations promised by avant
garde methods; as we finished, Lehner’s (1996) comprehensive second edition
Handbook of Ethological Methods was published. Lehner’s updated text is set to
become the benchmark, so for many topics for which this chapter whets the
reader’s appetite, that handbook will be the place to find the full meal.
Our treatment has five sections. First we mention three reasons why documenting social dynamics is important. Second, we tackle the question of how
to describe social dynamics in ways that provide a framework within which to
compare studies; in this, we follow Hinde (1981, 1983) in describing a hierarchical approach to the study of social dynamics. We show that single behavioral
interactions are the fundamental unit of social structure, and that it is the
changing nature of repeated interactions—relationships—that gives social
structure its potentially dynamic component. Third, we follow this framework
to discuss how behavioral parameters can be described, classified, and recorded
during social interactions. In this we explore interactions during grooming and
dominance. In the fourth section we explore methods used for gathering data
on social interaction and then, in the fifth section, we use example data to illustrate analytical techniques for elucidating relationships, and how patterns of
relationships can be combined to reveal social networks and social structure.
Because mammalian societies are ethologically complex and because our own
experience is largely with mammals, we draw our examples from that class. Furthermore, we often use examples from our own work, not because it deserves
mention more than any other, but because we know most well the lessons
learned and pitfalls encountered therein; our intention is merely to illustrate
points, not to review them compendiously (that task is more fully accomplished
by Colgan 1978; Hazlett 1977; and Lehner 1996). Throughout, we focus on
common mistakes in approach, methodological conflicts, and the use of new
technology to solve problems (and how it creates some new ones). We have
doubtless fallen short of our own prescriptions on many previous occasions,
and are aware that many methods outlined here could be improved further.
M A C D O N A L D , S T E WA RT, S T O P K A , A N D YA M A G U C H I
fashions have drifted away from assembling the data classic ethologists so carefully gleaned.
Context
In a book on ecological methods, the function of this chapter is to provide a map
for ecologists through the portions of the rapids that ethologists have already
negotiated. When we launched into this task, no text existed to bring together
the wisdom of a receding era of ethology and the innovations promised by avant
garde methods; as we finished, Lehner’s (1996) comprehensive second edition
Handbook of Ethological Methods was published. Lehner’s updated text is set to
become the benchmark, so for many topics for which this chapter whets the
reader’s appetite, that handbook will be the place to find the full meal.
Our treatment has five sections. First we mention three reasons why documenting social dynamics is important. Second, we tackle the question of how
to describe social dynamics in ways that provide a framework within which to
compare studies; in this, we follow Hinde (1981, 1983) in describing a hierarchical approach to the study of social dynamics. We show that single behavioral
interactions are the fundamental unit of social structure, and that it is the
changing nature of repeated interactions—relationships—that gives social
structure its potentially dynamic component. Third, we follow this framework
to discuss how behavioral parameters can be described, classified, and recorded
during social interactions. In this we explore interactions during grooming and
dominance. In the fourth section we explore methods used for gathering data
on social interaction and then, in the fifth section, we use example data to illustrate analytical techniques for elucidating relationships, and how patterns of
relationships can be combined to reveal social networks and social structure.
Because mammalian societies are ethologically complex and because our own
experience is largely with mammals, we draw our examples from that class. Furthermore, we often use examples from our own work, not because it deserves
mention more than any other, but because we know most well the lessons
learned and pitfalls encountered therein; our intention is merely to illustrate
points, not to review them compendiously (that task is more fully accomplished
by Colgan 1978; Hazlett 1977; and Lehner 1996). Throughout, we focus on
common mistakes in approach, methodological conflicts, and the use of new
technology to solve problems (and how it creates some new ones). We have
doubtless fallen short of our own prescriptions on many previous occasions,
and are aware that many methods outlined here could be improved further.