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temic transformation of the economy as a whole, across ‘all of the diverse ways that
human communities meet their needs and create livelihoods together’ (Miller in
Kawano et al. 2009 : 30), including the private and public sector, and as part of a
‘counter-hegemonic political economy’ (Satgar 2014 ) or post-capitalist agenda
(Kawano 2013 ). In other contexts, such as Western Switzerland, the stance is more
nuanced: SSE is complementary to the market economy, rather than an alternative;
in the Philippines, the strategy is to create supply chains in the social and solidarity
economy, mostly in rural areas (Sahakian and Dunand 2015 ). In some cases, the
public sector also takes on the role of promoting the solidarity economy, as is the
case in Luxembourg, which has appointed a Ministry of Labour, Employment and
the Social and Solidarity Economy. In such cases, there is a risk that the public sector might instrumentalize the social and solidarity economy by outsourcing basic
social services to third parties, under the guise of solidarity, an issue that has been
hotly debated in SSE circles. As the late Bernard Eme also noted, the instrumentalization can go both ways: civil society actors can also uphold solidarity values in
order to access state benefi ts (Eme (2005) in Laville and Cattani 2006 ).
As a social movement, the social and solidarity economy (SSE) has grown from
local activities to regional and international networks of members, including
researchers and practitioners. In the United States, the simpler ‘solidarity economy’
is the preferred term, which emerged from the U.S. Social Forum in 2007 and
resulted in the launch of U.S. Solidarity Economy Network (SEN) (Kawano et al.
2009 ). In Latin America, SSE has been tied to the new ‘development’ paradigm
termed buen vivir (the good life) (Giovannini 2014 ) and has been discussed in the
literature by several authors (Lemaître and Helmsing 2012 ; Hillenkamp 2011 , 2013 ;
Arruda 2004 ; Singer 2002 ; among others). Less is known about SSE initiatives in
Asia and Africa.
3
Conceptually, the SSE is inspired by the notion of reciprocity put forward by
Karl Polanyi, who famously argued that the economy is ‘embedded’ in the social
realm; it has a social purpose and is subordinate to and inseparable from social relations ( 2001 , originally published in 1944). Four ideal-type models are put forward
in his work: (1) the market economy; and non-market economies including (2) selfsuffi ciency (including house-holding or relations between family members), (3)
redistribution (usually through government) and (4) reciprocity. Several authors
have argued for the need for the social and solidarity economy to be multidimensional, to include different types of entities, working progressively towards solidaristic goals, in a more plural economy and across these four ideal types (Laville
2003 ; Kawano et al. 2009 ). Fair trade is an example of the SSE in practice, which
engages with Polanyi’s different ideal types: the products traded are done so in solidarity between consumers and producers, but such activities can benefi t from state
support (e.g., redistribution), and also engage with the market economy and householding activities, such as craft making in the home.
3 For a recent publication from South Africa, see Satgar ( 2014 ); for The Philippines, see Sahakian
and Dunand ( 2015 ).
10 The Social and Solidarity Economy: Why Is It Relevant to Industrial Ecology?
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