70 H. OHTA
Notes
1. According to an opinion poll carried out in 2005 by the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs (MOFA), 72.2% of the respondents regard the issue of
global warming as a grave problem in their daily life and a majority of
them, 52.2%, consider that Japan should take the lead in the international community to tackle this problem (Gaimusho Kokusaishakai-kyoku
Seisaku-ka 2005). Likewise, the Environmental Ministry’s 2004 opinion
poll conducted during the run-up to the implementation of the Kyoto
Protocol showed overwhelming public support for stronger action by
Japan. More than 85% of respondents wanted Japan to enhance further
its efforts to stop global warming (85.4%) (Kankyosho 2004).
2. The construction of new nuclear plants slowed partially because of the
Chernobyl nuclear accident in 1986, a massive leak of sodium coolant at
the fast breeder reactor Monju in 1995, the accident at the Japan Nuclear
Fuel Conversion Company (JCO) in 1999 in Tokaimura (Shimizu 2014,
p. 7), and the ever-escalating costs of constructing new nuclear plants
as well as growing societal opposition to further construction of nuclear
plants.
3. This Japanese governmental side event was composed of panelists representing all energy-intensive industries endorsed by MOFA’s Ambassador for Global Environmental Problems and MOE’s Vice Minister of
Global Environmental Affairs. The proposed policy outlined a bottom-up
approach under a voluntary reduction scheme varying according to each
industrial sector (Kawamata 2007).
4. The FEPC and nuclear industries are the core of nuclear interest
groups. Local governments that host nuclear power plants also have high
economic stakes in nuclear power since they can receive subsidies and
create jobs for nuclear facilities and their operation. Besides, the DPJ relied
on electoral support from labor unions, especially from Denryokus¯ oren.
5. Manabe scrutinized this phenomenon by arguing that music played a
central role in expressing anti-nuclear sentiments and mobilizing political
resistance in Japan (Manabe 2015).
6. However, by July 2014, the massive anti-nuclear rallies had been eclipsed
by another series of opposition movements against changing the interpretation of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution concerning the exercise of
collective self-defense, and a package of new security legislation introduced
by the second Abe administration.
7. Eleven cities where public hearings were held include Fukushima, Sendai,
Saitama, Osaka, Nagoya, Takamatsu, and Fukuoka (Asahi Shimbun 2012).
8. Monju was shut down in December 1995 following a sodium coolant leak
and fire and subsequent cover-up attempt. It went online again in May
Notes
1. According to an opinion poll carried out in 2005 by the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs (MOFA), 72.2% of the respondents regard the issue of
global warming as a grave problem in their daily life and a majority of
them, 52.2%, consider that Japan should take the lead in the international community to tackle this problem (Gaimusho Kokusaishakai-kyoku
Seisaku-ka 2005). Likewise, the Environmental Ministry’s 2004 opinion
poll conducted during the run-up to the implementation of the Kyoto
Protocol showed overwhelming public support for stronger action by
Japan. More than 85% of respondents wanted Japan to enhance further
its efforts to stop global warming (85.4%) (Kankyosho 2004).
2. The construction of new nuclear plants slowed partially because of the
Chernobyl nuclear accident in 1986, a massive leak of sodium coolant at
the fast breeder reactor Monju in 1995, the accident at the Japan Nuclear
Fuel Conversion Company (JCO) in 1999 in Tokaimura (Shimizu 2014,
p. 7), and the ever-escalating costs of constructing new nuclear plants
as well as growing societal opposition to further construction of nuclear
plants.
3. This Japanese governmental side event was composed of panelists representing all energy-intensive industries endorsed by MOFA’s Ambassador for Global Environmental Problems and MOE’s Vice Minister of
Global Environmental Affairs. The proposed policy outlined a bottom-up
approach under a voluntary reduction scheme varying according to each
industrial sector (Kawamata 2007).
4. The FEPC and nuclear industries are the core of nuclear interest
groups. Local governments that host nuclear power plants also have high
economic stakes in nuclear power since they can receive subsidies and
create jobs for nuclear facilities and their operation. Besides, the DPJ relied
on electoral support from labor unions, especially from Denryokus¯ oren.
5. Manabe scrutinized this phenomenon by arguing that music played a
central role in expressing anti-nuclear sentiments and mobilizing political
resistance in Japan (Manabe 2015).
6. However, by July 2014, the massive anti-nuclear rallies had been eclipsed
by another series of opposition movements against changing the interpretation of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution concerning the exercise of
collective self-defense, and a package of new security legislation introduced
by the second Abe administration.
7. Eleven cities where public hearings were held include Fukushima, Sendai,
Saitama, Osaka, Nagoya, Takamatsu, and Fukuoka (Asahi Shimbun 2012).
8. Monju was shut down in December 1995 following a sodium coolant leak
and fire and subsequent cover-up attempt. It went online again in May
