294 E. MOE ET AL.
advocating energy efficiency and circular economy over energy production (Lundberg and Esmark 2019). Oddvin Lund (2018, interview)
of the Norwegian Trekking Association (Turistforeningen) accepts that
there is substance to the green battery idea since Norway to some
extent can contribute electricity to Europe, and because a flexible, wellfunctioning power exchange may lessen the need for more wind power
within Norway. Yet, he also argues that the power sector “pushes this
as a climate action [even if] it is interested in it primarily for economic
reasons.” He stresses that they are not against cables per se, but against
building cables without understanding the consequences, and that the
power sector’s wind power ambitions are far beyond what the Trekking
Association supports. He sees politicians having uncritically bought into
the power sector’s story of wind power as a climate solution, while
ignoring environmental costs. The conflict also permeates the Green
Party, which during its 2019 national congress ended up with a tenuous
compromise saying that wind turbines should preferably be reserved for
areas with infrastructure and already existing interventions in nature (VG
2019a).
Public opinion, especially through local nature-protection agencies, has
actively lobbied against wind power for arguably ruining large tracts of
pristine wilderness. The lacking social and local acceptance of wind power
in Norway however dates far back (Buen 2006; IEA 2005; Jerpåsen and
Larsen 2011). The political onus on cost-effectiveness has meant that
power supply has taken precedence over siting. Thus, Norway has ended
up with wind farms in windy and exposed, but scenic areas rather than
in visually less-intrusive locations (Buen 2006; Karlstrøm and Ryghaug
2014; Lund 2018, interview). This, in combination with the perception
that local opinion is neglected, has invariably caused major popular resistance. There have been cases of physical resistance and sabotage in at least
four current construction areas, 7 and demonstrations against many more.
In Frøya, construction machines have been sabotaged, an excavator set
on fire and there have been two attempts at forcing company cars off the
road. The entrepreneur publicly admits that he is afraid of his employees’
lives and well-being (Adresseavisen 2020).
Several polls have suggested considerable or increasing resistance
against wind power if it leads to the destruction of nature: 60% of the
population opposes wind power when the result is major loss of pristine nature, 71% is against if it leads to major disturbances for animal
life (DNT 2019). Another poll showed 40% in favor of land-based wind
advocating energy efficiency and circular economy over energy production (Lundberg and Esmark 2019). Oddvin Lund (2018, interview)
of the Norwegian Trekking Association (Turistforeningen) accepts that
there is substance to the green battery idea since Norway to some
extent can contribute electricity to Europe, and because a flexible, wellfunctioning power exchange may lessen the need for more wind power
within Norway. Yet, he also argues that the power sector “pushes this
as a climate action [even if] it is interested in it primarily for economic
reasons.” He stresses that they are not against cables per se, but against
building cables without understanding the consequences, and that the
power sector’s wind power ambitions are far beyond what the Trekking
Association supports. He sees politicians having uncritically bought into
the power sector’s story of wind power as a climate solution, while
ignoring environmental costs. The conflict also permeates the Green
Party, which during its 2019 national congress ended up with a tenuous
compromise saying that wind turbines should preferably be reserved for
areas with infrastructure and already existing interventions in nature (VG
2019a).
Public opinion, especially through local nature-protection agencies, has
actively lobbied against wind power for arguably ruining large tracts of
pristine wilderness. The lacking social and local acceptance of wind power
in Norway however dates far back (Buen 2006; IEA 2005; Jerpåsen and
Larsen 2011). The political onus on cost-effectiveness has meant that
power supply has taken precedence over siting. Thus, Norway has ended
up with wind farms in windy and exposed, but scenic areas rather than
in visually less-intrusive locations (Buen 2006; Karlstrøm and Ryghaug
2014; Lund 2018, interview). This, in combination with the perception
that local opinion is neglected, has invariably caused major popular resistance. There have been cases of physical resistance and sabotage in at least
four current construction areas, 7 and demonstrations against many more.
In Frøya, construction machines have been sabotaged, an excavator set
on fire and there have been two attempts at forcing company cars off the
road. The entrepreneur publicly admits that he is afraid of his employees’
lives and well-being (Adresseavisen 2020).
Several polls have suggested considerable or increasing resistance
against wind power if it leads to the destruction of nature: 60% of the
population opposes wind power when the result is major loss of pristine nature, 71% is against if it leads to major disturbances for animal
life (DNT 2019). Another poll showed 40% in favor of land-based wind