48
forming on the horizon considering the response of Kazakhstan to the offer made by
ONGC India to purchase shares in Kashagan and Turkmenistan’s lack of capability
to make progress in the construction of the TAPI gas pipeline. From this aspect,
with the consideration that there was a multidimensional retardation, the present
chapter argues that the establishment of a static hegemony poses a stronger justification for the international conducts of the prosperous countries of Central Asia
(Raszewski 2018:121).
Russia
Russia holds a gargantuan amount of oil and natural gas reserves. The country is the
third-largest liquid fuel-producer in the world, the second-largest producer of natural gas, and the third-largest generator of nuclear energy (www.eia.gov 2017a, b, c,
d). Russia is the world’s largest energy exporter and the second-largest producer.
Energy exports are Russia’s largest source of foreign earnings and have played a
significant role in its economic development since the late nineteenth century.
Geographic position gives an opportunity to Russia to play a key role in energy
export opportunities and policies. Two of the world’s major energy import markets,
China and the European Union, are situated at its borders (Shaffer 2009:114). By
2013, energy (oil and natural gas) sales accounted for 68% of Russia’s export revenue. Oil exports alone were of greater value than the value of all non-oil and natural gas exports (www.eia.gov 2017a, b, c, d).
The energy component of Russia’s regional approach to East Asia, Europe, the
Middle East, Caucasus, and Central Asia is a very important factor. At the same
time, the approach and orientation of Russian energy policy are different in different
markets. While Moscow has a fairly flexible approach to eastern Asia and seeks to
further expand energy transmission networks to the countries of the region, it still
pursues a policy of leveraging the infrastructure of its vast gas pipeline on the continent of Russia. By preserving and expanding networks and lines of energy transmission to Europe in its periphery, it will create a stable regional security
environment, especially in the outermost regions; therefore, Russia’s energy strategy toward the European Union has strategic objectives alongside its economic
objectives (Karimi Pour et al. 2017:192).
Russian leaders are aware that due to the great potential of oil and gas resources
in this country, they can use it as an influential element in influencing Russia’s
energy consumers. Increasing energy consumption as well as the lack of detection
of fossil fuels is one of the major concerns of industrialized nations. The vital
importance of oil and gas has made control of it one of the key factors in Russian
foreign policy. Russia’s foreign policy, using its energy capability, wants to increase
economic relations, strengthen its influence in the oil and gas industry of other
countries and international organizations, and enhance the ability and capacity to
export and transit oil and gas and to influence consumer markets (Karimi Pour et al.
2017:192).
3 International Context of the New Era and the Caspian Sea Region
forming on the horizon considering the response of Kazakhstan to the offer made by
ONGC India to purchase shares in Kashagan and Turkmenistan’s lack of capability
to make progress in the construction of the TAPI gas pipeline. From this aspect,
with the consideration that there was a multidimensional retardation, the present
chapter argues that the establishment of a static hegemony poses a stronger justification for the international conducts of the prosperous countries of Central Asia
(Raszewski 2018:121).
Russia
Russia holds a gargantuan amount of oil and natural gas reserves. The country is the
third-largest liquid fuel-producer in the world, the second-largest producer of natural gas, and the third-largest generator of nuclear energy (www.eia.gov 2017a, b, c,
d). Russia is the world’s largest energy exporter and the second-largest producer.
Energy exports are Russia’s largest source of foreign earnings and have played a
significant role in its economic development since the late nineteenth century.
Geographic position gives an opportunity to Russia to play a key role in energy
export opportunities and policies. Two of the world’s major energy import markets,
China and the European Union, are situated at its borders (Shaffer 2009:114). By
2013, energy (oil and natural gas) sales accounted for 68% of Russia’s export revenue. Oil exports alone were of greater value than the value of all non-oil and natural gas exports (www.eia.gov 2017a, b, c, d).
The energy component of Russia’s regional approach to East Asia, Europe, the
Middle East, Caucasus, and Central Asia is a very important factor. At the same
time, the approach and orientation of Russian energy policy are different in different
markets. While Moscow has a fairly flexible approach to eastern Asia and seeks to
further expand energy transmission networks to the countries of the region, it still
pursues a policy of leveraging the infrastructure of its vast gas pipeline on the continent of Russia. By preserving and expanding networks and lines of energy transmission to Europe in its periphery, it will create a stable regional security
environment, especially in the outermost regions; therefore, Russia’s energy strategy toward the European Union has strategic objectives alongside its economic
objectives (Karimi Pour et al. 2017:192).
Russian leaders are aware that due to the great potential of oil and gas resources
in this country, they can use it as an influential element in influencing Russia’s
energy consumers. Increasing energy consumption as well as the lack of detection
of fossil fuels is one of the major concerns of industrialized nations. The vital
importance of oil and gas has made control of it one of the key factors in Russian
foreign policy. Russia’s foreign policy, using its energy capability, wants to increase
economic relations, strengthen its influence in the oil and gas industry of other
countries and international organizations, and enhance the ability and capacity to
export and transit oil and gas and to influence consumer markets (Karimi Pour et al.
2017:192).
3 International Context of the New Era and the Caspian Sea Region