35
most effective way to not only decrease central Asian countries’ dependencies on
Russia but also to prevent them from entering into the scope of China. However,
during the period between the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the present time,
the American impact in the area has not been distinctly observed. In addition,
uncertainties regarding US plans, goals, and restrictions with respect to engagement continue to exist. In all the countries in the area, a unique and fine balance of
US, Chinese, and Russian influence exists, while security in the area is established
and pursued by means of both US military bases and the terms of Shanghai
Cooperation Organization, the CSTO, and bilateral agreements among Central
Asian states, United States, Russia, and China (Troitsky 2007:417–428).
As Marlene Laruelle and Sebastien Peyrouse state, the US’ position in Central
Asia is not merely complex, but is also the subject of impassioned debate in the
region, with opinion severely divided—especially since the Iraq War. Central Asia
is however only of secondary importance to the US, partly due to its perception of
the region as an “arc of destabilization” stretching down toward Afghanistan,
Pakistan, and Iran. The region is also traditionally perceived as within Russia’s
“sphere of influence” (Laruelle and Peyrous 2011:437).
Amy Myers Jaffe and Robert A. Manning claim that the actual Great Game in the
Caspian Basin is based on ethnic conflict, geopolitical competition, and the fact that
the instability in the area constantly creating challenges that Russia needs to overcome in its attempts to modernize. However, stimulating the desire to view the former “Evil Empire” weakening under such challenges is not in essence among the
primary interests of the West. Among the primary and short-term strategies of the
West is to reduce Russia’s nuclear weapons and domination of “loose-nuke.” On the
other hand, the primary long-term strategy of the US is to transform Russia into
becoming a normal, modern actor in Eurasia (Jaffe and Manning 2000:127).
US foreign policy decision-makers regard the Caspian Basin and Central Asia as
areas of crucial importance with strategic significance. However, during the Obama
administration, the US lay greater focus on encouraging the US to establish friendly
relationships with South Asian governments. In 2011, the US launched the “Silk
Road Strategy” so as to promote investment in and establish economic ties with the
Central Asian States and Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. In connection to this
strategy, the US also actively supported the promotion of the TAPI pipeline. In
January 2013, the US assistant secretary for South and Central Asia affairs claimed
that the TAPI project was one of the most significant projects targeting regional
integration since it would provide not only the Indian market with Turkman gas but
also Afghanistan and Pakistan with high amounts of income earned from transit
payments. However, this does not mean that the support that the US gave to the
TAPI project had the intention of excluding Washington’s support to the Southern
Gas Corridor. The provision of energy supplies and facilitating income from transit
fees how the US hopes to reach this goal. Another priority of the US is to reduce
India and Pakistan’s shipments of Iranian gas supplies in favor of Turkmen (https://
www.aie.org.au/interesting-and-useful-articles 2013).
George W. Bush was the leading figure to impose this mass strategy goes in early
2001 when his most important foreign policy was not yet to ban terrorism or to
Literature of Geopolitics of the Region
most effective way to not only decrease central Asian countries’ dependencies on
Russia but also to prevent them from entering into the scope of China. However,
during the period between the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the present time,
the American impact in the area has not been distinctly observed. In addition,
uncertainties regarding US plans, goals, and restrictions with respect to engagement continue to exist. In all the countries in the area, a unique and fine balance of
US, Chinese, and Russian influence exists, while security in the area is established
and pursued by means of both US military bases and the terms of Shanghai
Cooperation Organization, the CSTO, and bilateral agreements among Central
Asian states, United States, Russia, and China (Troitsky 2007:417–428).
As Marlene Laruelle and Sebastien Peyrouse state, the US’ position in Central
Asia is not merely complex, but is also the subject of impassioned debate in the
region, with opinion severely divided—especially since the Iraq War. Central Asia
is however only of secondary importance to the US, partly due to its perception of
the region as an “arc of destabilization” stretching down toward Afghanistan,
Pakistan, and Iran. The region is also traditionally perceived as within Russia’s
“sphere of influence” (Laruelle and Peyrous 2011:437).
Amy Myers Jaffe and Robert A. Manning claim that the actual Great Game in the
Caspian Basin is based on ethnic conflict, geopolitical competition, and the fact that
the instability in the area constantly creating challenges that Russia needs to overcome in its attempts to modernize. However, stimulating the desire to view the former “Evil Empire” weakening under such challenges is not in essence among the
primary interests of the West. Among the primary and short-term strategies of the
West is to reduce Russia’s nuclear weapons and domination of “loose-nuke.” On the
other hand, the primary long-term strategy of the US is to transform Russia into
becoming a normal, modern actor in Eurasia (Jaffe and Manning 2000:127).
US foreign policy decision-makers regard the Caspian Basin and Central Asia as
areas of crucial importance with strategic significance. However, during the Obama
administration, the US lay greater focus on encouraging the US to establish friendly
relationships with South Asian governments. In 2011, the US launched the “Silk
Road Strategy” so as to promote investment in and establish economic ties with the
Central Asian States and Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. In connection to this
strategy, the US also actively supported the promotion of the TAPI pipeline. In
January 2013, the US assistant secretary for South and Central Asia affairs claimed
that the TAPI project was one of the most significant projects targeting regional
integration since it would provide not only the Indian market with Turkman gas but
also Afghanistan and Pakistan with high amounts of income earned from transit
payments. However, this does not mean that the support that the US gave to the
TAPI project had the intention of excluding Washington’s support to the Southern
Gas Corridor. The provision of energy supplies and facilitating income from transit
fees how the US hopes to reach this goal. Another priority of the US is to reduce
India and Pakistan’s shipments of Iranian gas supplies in favor of Turkmen (https://
www.aie.org.au/interesting-and-useful-articles 2013).
George W. Bush was the leading figure to impose this mass strategy goes in early
2001 when his most important foreign policy was not yet to ban terrorism or to
Literature of Geopolitics of the Region