144
The US Special Envoy for Eurasian Energy Security
US foreign policy goals toward energy resources in Central Asia, Caspian Sea, and
South Caucasus states have included supporting their sovereignty and ties to the
West, fostering a climate of investment supporting US energy companies in the
region, promoting NATO and European energy security through diversification of
supplies, assisting Turkey, and opposing the construction oil and gas pipelines that
transit Iranian resources to reduce Iran’s influence in the region (Nichol 2014:55).
In order to achieve these goals, the Clinton administration established a special
interagency policy group on the Caspian region chaired by “Sheila Heslin, former
Director for Russian, Ukrainian and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security
Council.” This group articulated the United States declaratory policy toward the
former Soviet republics and Central Asia as being based on the following political,
economic, and social objectives (Bluth 2014:84):
• To support the independence and sovereignty of the newly independent states in
the Caucasus and Central Asia (the unspoken assumption being that Russian
constituted the main threat)
• To encourage resolution of conflict and promote stability in the region
• To promote democracy and human rights
• To encourage successful economic reform and the transition to a market
economy
• To prevent the spread of radical Islam (the United States government became
increasingly aware of the threat of radical Islam within the region…
• To limit the influence of other outside powers (especially Iran)
• To enable Caspian Hydrocarbon reserves to reach the global market without
transiting Russia or Iran. (Bluth 2014:84)
There is a general consensus that in the initial post-Soviet period, economic
interests were not the dominant factor in US foreign policy toward the region—
rather, strategic considerations stood at the fore. Support for Turkey and the restriction of Iran was another aspect of US foreign policy in the region (Bluth 2014:84).
After the BTC project was activated and Iran’s exclusion from the region was
achieved, the Clinton Administration set up a Caspian Task Force. The group was
chaired by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, with the main objectives outlined as diversification of pipelines and prevention of pipeline transit through Iran
(Bluth 2014:84).
By 2004, the Bush administration had maintained the Clinton era role of “Special
Advisor on Caspian Energy Diplomacy” supporting further US policy against
efforts by his Russian opposite, “Deputy Foreign Minister and Special Envoy to the
Caspian,” Viktor Kalyuzhny. When the administration concluded that there was no
further need for the post, its responsibilities were awarded in part to the “Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State (former Special Negotiator for Nagorno-Karabakh and
Eurasian Conflicts” also shifted to the Deputy Assistant Secretary). The abolition of
this post is cited by some as marking the date from which the US gains in the region
receded (Nichol 2014:56).
4 George W. Bush Energy Diplomacy
The US Special Envoy for Eurasian Energy Security
US foreign policy goals toward energy resources in Central Asia, Caspian Sea, and
South Caucasus states have included supporting their sovereignty and ties to the
West, fostering a climate of investment supporting US energy companies in the
region, promoting NATO and European energy security through diversification of
supplies, assisting Turkey, and opposing the construction oil and gas pipelines that
transit Iranian resources to reduce Iran’s influence in the region (Nichol 2014:55).
In order to achieve these goals, the Clinton administration established a special
interagency policy group on the Caspian region chaired by “Sheila Heslin, former
Director for Russian, Ukrainian and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security
Council.” This group articulated the United States declaratory policy toward the
former Soviet republics and Central Asia as being based on the following political,
economic, and social objectives (Bluth 2014:84):
• To support the independence and sovereignty of the newly independent states in
the Caucasus and Central Asia (the unspoken assumption being that Russian
constituted the main threat)
• To encourage resolution of conflict and promote stability in the region
• To promote democracy and human rights
• To encourage successful economic reform and the transition to a market
economy
• To prevent the spread of radical Islam (the United States government became
increasingly aware of the threat of radical Islam within the region…
• To limit the influence of other outside powers (especially Iran)
• To enable Caspian Hydrocarbon reserves to reach the global market without
transiting Russia or Iran. (Bluth 2014:84)
There is a general consensus that in the initial post-Soviet period, economic
interests were not the dominant factor in US foreign policy toward the region—
rather, strategic considerations stood at the fore. Support for Turkey and the restriction of Iran was another aspect of US foreign policy in the region (Bluth 2014:84).
After the BTC project was activated and Iran’s exclusion from the region was
achieved, the Clinton Administration set up a Caspian Task Force. The group was
chaired by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, with the main objectives outlined as diversification of pipelines and prevention of pipeline transit through Iran
(Bluth 2014:84).
By 2004, the Bush administration had maintained the Clinton era role of “Special
Advisor on Caspian Energy Diplomacy” supporting further US policy against
efforts by his Russian opposite, “Deputy Foreign Minister and Special Envoy to the
Caspian,” Viktor Kalyuzhny. When the administration concluded that there was no
further need for the post, its responsibilities were awarded in part to the “Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State (former Special Negotiator for Nagorno-Karabakh and
Eurasian Conflicts” also shifted to the Deputy Assistant Secretary). The abolition of
this post is cited by some as marking the date from which the US gains in the region
receded (Nichol 2014:56).
4 George W. Bush Energy Diplomacy