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energy reserves. Outstanding among these disputes are Azerbaijan’s Araz-AlovSharg hydrocarbon blocks, a 1400  km
2
area with about 700 bcm of natural gas.
Azeri control of this field, referred to as “Alborz” by Iran, is heavily disputed by
Tehran, which claims that the Alov field, located 120 km southeast of Baku, is partially located in Iranian territorial waters. In 2001, two BP research vessels were
driven away from the Alov fields by an Iranian gunboat. BP has not returned to the
field since, and neither has anyone else (www.atlanticcouncil.org 2015). That
Azerbaijan argues the Caspian should be divided by the Median Line and over
national coastlines refers to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982).
Azerbaijan is interested in extracting hydrocarbon resources from its near coastline.
Russia and Kazakhstan also refer to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and
are planning to extract hydrocarbons from their own territory in the Caspian
(Chaboki 1999:77–78).
Javad Amin-Mansour believes that The Islamic Republic of Iran is pursuing the
policy that the International law should govern the relationship between the countries in the region, among others, the principles of nonintervention in the others’
internal affairs, mutual respect for their national sovereignty, respect for the governments’ sovereignty over their natural resources, nonuse of force against each other,
cooperation among the countries, and the settlement of disputes through peaceful
means. In that framework, reaching an agreement among the Caspian Sea littoral
states on the legal status of the Sea, regional cooperation to expand trade and investment including in energy sector especially through power grids, protection of the
Caspian Sea marine environment, expansion of tourism industry, etc., are in priority
in the Iranian foreign policy (Author’s interview with Javad Amin-Mansour 2016).
Andreas Heinrich and Heiko Pleines about Iran’s policy toward the Caspian Sea
division argues that Iran’s uncooperative on the legal division of the Caspian Sea,
blocked the exploration of resources as well as plans for Trans-Caspian export pipeline from Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan to the European Market (Heinrich and
Pleines 2015:109).
According to Russia’s position on the Caspian Sea Legal Status, with
Turkmenistan and Iran supported, the Law of Sea could not apply to the Caspian,
since it has no natural connection with other seas. Russia believes that it was an
inland lake and should be governed as such and that joint utilization was the only
way forward. The Russian argued the legal status of the Caspian Sea could not be
changed unilaterally. They also supported 20-mile territorial waters plus an additional 20-miles exclusive zone, with common ownership of the central part of the
Caspian (Babali 2006:82).
Russia believes that were based on the argument that both 1921 and 1940 treaties
and the Almaty Declaration of December 21, 1991, need the littoral states to honor
the present status of the Caspian. On October 5, 1994, Russia’s position was delivered to the United Nation with most forceful accompanying note stating, “Unilateral
action in respect of the Caspian Sea is unlawful and will be recognized by the Russia
Federation, which reserves the right to take such measures as it dreams necessary
and whenever it dreams appropriate to restore the legal order and overcome the
consequence of unilateral actions” (Babali 2006:83).
Regional Security and Economic Organization and Projects
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