162 O. BAYULGEN
were one of the preconditions for Turkey’s EU membership. Even
prior to membership negotiations, the finalization of the EU-Turkey
Customs Union in 1995 accelerated Turkey’s neoliberal economic transformation. The EU Council decision in 1999 to declare Turkey as a
candidate country for full membership provided significant incentives to
governing elites to pursue economic and political reforms. The 2001
economic crisis weakened the resistance of Euro-skeptics and hardened
the resolve of reformers. Along these lines, the 2001 market-oriented
energy laws were inspired by the EU’s 1996 electricity and natural gas
directives and reforms. 32 In December 2009, Turkey began to negotiate Chapter 27, the environmental acquis, which comprised over 200
major legal acts including water, air quality, waste management, industrial pollution control, among others. Especially the principle of energy
sustainability, which emphasized the timely development of renewables,
was highly codified in the EU acquis, to which Turkey had to align itself
in order to be accepted as a member. 33
Grassroots Resistance and Civil Society
Mobilization Against Dirty Energy Projects
In addition to crises and external pressures, it is possible to argue that
societal pressures played a role in shaping Turkish governments’ energy
policies to some extent. Starting in the post-1980 coup context, as
the center-right governments embarked on energy-related infrastructural
projects such as construction of large coal, hydropower and nuclear power
plants, a significant number of local resistance campaigns mushroomed all
around the country, drawing attention to environmental and social justice
issues associated with those projects and pressuring the government and
the private companies to withdraw from them. One of the iconic examples of such local mobilization was seen in Gerze, in the Black Sea region
of Turkey, against a proposed coal power plant. Considered one of the ten
most successful resistance cases against coal projects in the world by Sierra
Club, this local movement brought together villagers, local NGOs, and
transnational environmental organizations like Greenpeace to effectively
push back against the private company and the government in support of
it. 34 A ‘No To Coal’ meeting was organized in April 2010 with more than
6000 people attending; in March 2010, residents of the village neighboring the proposed plant prevented a public meeting organized by the
company, forcing the workers to leave their village. Despite being exposed
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