142 S. MOORE
who control the apple market. They hope that MASEN will help them
obtain solar-powered cold storage technologies and solar-powered irrigation that will enable them to gain more control over their market
and cope with climate change. World Bank funded projects require the
consultation of local populations in project development, and MASEN
has initiated local social development projects in the rural areas in which
it is working. These do provide accountability mechanisms, but these do
not guarantee substantive changes in the state’s energy plans.
The 2016 death of Mouhcine Fikri also highlighted the stakes of
uneven development. The police confiscated and discarded illegally
caught swordfish from Fikri and his business partners. Fikri crawled into
the back of the garbage truck to retrieve the valuable fish and was crushed
to death in the compactor, allegedly at the behest of the police. 142
His death rekindled the protest movement that began in Morocco’s
Rif Mountains during the Arab Spring. 143 The Hirak protest movement
calls for more equitable access to infrastructure and clean water, employment opportunities, better health care, and the decriminalization of small
hashish production. 144 In response, Mohammed VI fired a number of
government officials for failing to sufficiently serve the Rif, including the
director general of ONEE, Ali Fassi Fihri. Tel Quel dubbed this ‘the
short-circuiting of Mr. Energy by Hirak.’ 145 This protest held high-level
political appointees accountable, but the king has maintained his overall
power.
In April of 2018, Morocco’s first boycott gained unprecedented participation. It is unknown who started the boycott, which spread virally
on social media using the hashtag #Boycott. Three companies were
targeted: Centrale Laitière (a subsidiary of Danon), Sidi Ali and Oulmès
bottled water, and Afriquia gas stations. These three companies hold
over 50% market share in their respective markets. The Minister of Agriculture Aziz Akhannouch—the majority stakeholder of Afriquia—was
among the targets. A Moroccan government report had demonstrated
that Afriquia has increased its margins since the liberalization of prices and
that the government has been the big winner. The latter was, of course,
the goal, but this was of little comfort to people coping with higher
gasoline and transportation costs. The boycotters were not boycotting
gasoline for renewable energy and electric vehicles, or bottled water
for tap water. 146 Rather, they protested liberalization, monopolies, and
economic inequality. The boycott had significant economic effects on
two of the companies. Danon lost 538 million dirhams ($55.5 million),
who control the apple market. They hope that MASEN will help them
obtain solar-powered cold storage technologies and solar-powered irrigation that will enable them to gain more control over their market
and cope with climate change. World Bank funded projects require the
consultation of local populations in project development, and MASEN
has initiated local social development projects in the rural areas in which
it is working. These do provide accountability mechanisms, but these do
not guarantee substantive changes in the state’s energy plans.
The 2016 death of Mouhcine Fikri also highlighted the stakes of
uneven development. The police confiscated and discarded illegally
caught swordfish from Fikri and his business partners. Fikri crawled into
the back of the garbage truck to retrieve the valuable fish and was crushed
to death in the compactor, allegedly at the behest of the police. 142
His death rekindled the protest movement that began in Morocco’s
Rif Mountains during the Arab Spring. 143 The Hirak protest movement
calls for more equitable access to infrastructure and clean water, employment opportunities, better health care, and the decriminalization of small
hashish production. 144 In response, Mohammed VI fired a number of
government officials for failing to sufficiently serve the Rif, including the
director general of ONEE, Ali Fassi Fihri. Tel Quel dubbed this ‘the
short-circuiting of Mr. Energy by Hirak.’ 145 This protest held high-level
political appointees accountable, but the king has maintained his overall
power.
In April of 2018, Morocco’s first boycott gained unprecedented participation. It is unknown who started the boycott, which spread virally
on social media using the hashtag #Boycott. Three companies were
targeted: Centrale Laitière (a subsidiary of Danon), Sidi Ali and Oulmès
bottled water, and Afriquia gas stations. These three companies hold
over 50% market share in their respective markets. The Minister of Agriculture Aziz Akhannouch—the majority stakeholder of Afriquia—was
among the targets. A Moroccan government report had demonstrated
that Afriquia has increased its margins since the liberalization of prices and
that the government has been the big winner. The latter was, of course,
the goal, but this was of little comfort to people coping with higher
gasoline and transportation costs. The boycotters were not boycotting
gasoline for renewable energy and electric vehicles, or bottled water
for tap water. 146 Rather, they protested liberalization, monopolies, and
economic inequality. The boycott had significant economic effects on
two of the companies. Danon lost 538 million dirhams ($55.5 million),